Political Policies Inhibit Religious Freedom In Fidel Castro's Cuba

Cuban history, like many other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean which have experienced colonial subjugation and imperial interference, is highlighted by tumultuous rebellions. Ever since the revolt of Carlos Manuel de Cespedes in 1868, who took up arms with his slaves to liberate Cuba from Spain’s colonial grasp, the existence of insurrectionists and adamant government opposition in Cuba has flourished. Social revolution and a strong will and practice of nationalism has indelibly characterized Cuban history. Nevertheless, the outcomes of particular movements and struggles for social justice have consistently frustrated revolutionary and radical leaders. Government regimes throughout

Jane Landers “Catholic Conspirators? Religious Rebels in Nineteenth-Century Cuba”, offers a fascinating view of the intricacies and importance of the Catholic Church’s extraordinary accounts and documentation, which provides details and insight into some of the most important slave, revolts, rebellions and conspiracies within free black communities in Cuba. While these documents offer important information, they also became objects deportation for some and subsequently, a death sentence for others.

In this talk there were three new books in history discussed. These books were Antiracism in Cuba, Voodoo and Power, and Democracy’s Muse. The first book presented was Antiracism in Cuba. This book analyzes the race issue in Cuba under Castro’s rule. Cuba believes itself to be a “race less” country; however, the Cuban community only acknowledges itself as white. For Afro-Cubans to be considered Cuban they must lose their “blackness”. The author, Devyn Spence Benson, writes about the battle of the Afro-Cuban community trying to gain freedom and respect.

In the article, “Why Do We Still Have an Embargo of Cuba?” Patrick Haney explores the history of the embargo and the different factors which have maintained and tightened its restrictions over the past fifty years. The embargo consists of a ban on trade and commercial activity, a ban on travel, a policy on how Cuban exiles can enter the U.S., and media broadcasting to the island. These once-executive orders now codified into law by the Helms-Burton Act, have become a politically charged topic which wins and loses elections, spawned influential interest groups, and powerful political action committees.

Bartolomé de Las Casas presents, for its time, an astounding claim human equality before God. Defending the native people of the New World from the violence executed by Spain and the claims to authority given voice by Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Las Casas provides a precocious assertion of human rights and the limits on civil and church authority. In this paper I will argue that Las Casas makes a nuanced assessment of civil government, to which he gives a vital but limited authority. I further propose that Las Casas, even while holding to the traditional and scriptural authority of the church, ascribes a similarly circumscribed earthly authority. The effect of these positions is to afford to non-Christians rationality and the freedom of

In this paper, the question of why did Cuban slavery collapse in the nineteenth century will be answered. In 1820s, some Spanish colonies rebelled and finally gain the independence, while Cuban was still loyal to the Spanish. It is partly because Cuba depends on Spain for trade and the need for continuous protection from pirates and slave rebellions. Although, at that period of time, they were unhappy about Spanish rules, they were more afraid of the rising power of United States. During that time, Cuba continuously conveys sugar, coffee and tobacco to Europe and American. And to do so, the economy of Cuba needs slaves, since slavery was the economic foundation for the farming and mining

The study of race relations in contemporary Cuba indelibly requires an understanding of the dynamic history of race relations in this ethnically pervasive island of the Caribbean. Cuban society, due to its historical antecedents of European colonialism and American imperialism, has traditionally experienced anguished and even tumultuous race relations. Racial disharmony has plagued Cuban society ever since the advent of the Colonial institution of the plantation system. Thus, in order to acquire some understanding of Cuba’s dynamic race relations one must study and investigate the evolution of racial tensions and the quintessential

Comparing the race problems with those in the United States, that the government uses as a tool to have Afro-Cubans feel that their situation is not as bad as their brothers in America, effectively lessens the feelings of racism in Cuba (131-132). Finally, Sawyer concludes that the advances made in racial relation post-Revolution has been compromised by all the conditions that I have documented previously, and I agree wholeheartedly with his assessments (131).

The forth aspect of the Afro-Cuban experience which Helg mentions is the formation of the first black political party in the hemisphere, which, as I will address later, was destroyed between 1910-1912. When it is finally destroyed in 1912, official antiblack violence is what destroys it, and Helg shows that as the fifth particularity of the Cuban case. Lastly, Helg discusses the reconciliation of the "democratic ideologies versus racist practices" contradiction in Cuba for her final aspect of uniqueness. This last characteristic which Helg mentions played a huge role in the maintenance of racial hierarchies in Cuba.

From the stance of an individual within Castro’s regime, the necessitation of Cuba’s suspension of rights was imperative. While I do believe, what occurred, such as summary killings, was terrible, suspending certain rights was necessary to protect the country and maintain order. I will argue this claim from the stand point of a civilian living in the regime. The fear felt towards a threat would spark desire for its eradication, even if it meant disabling certain rights for individuals.

It strikes me and my heart aches when I hear about Cuba every day on Moody Radio, a station that is Christian, sensitizing itself to the fact that there is hunger and need in Cuba because of the communist Castro government and because of this need this is a Good time to go to preach and make known The Word of God, but DO NOT talk about the witch hunt carried out by the brothers Castro and his government for 57 years, do not explain that tyrant executed men just for believing in God and that they died before the firing squad screaming Viva Cristo Rey!( Live Christ the King)

The Cuban Revolution was touchy topic for the United States and Cuba. America’s alienation of Cuba didn’t help when communism from the USSR was brewing over the revolution. When the revolution gained Castro as its leader, the worry and hatred from the United States was unbearable, especially when the Soviet Union landed in Cuba to interest Castro in its aid. The US’s fear of communism, Fidel Castro, and aid from the Soviet Union was significant because it changed the US’s political role in Cuba during the Cuban Revolution.

Most of the Cubans are generally Roman Catholics; however this trend has been greatly modified to “syncretism” by a huge amount of support since Catholicism’s early introduction into Cuban’s history.

During the Cold War, relations between Cuba and the United States were icy. Cuba was allied with the USSR, America’s enemy, and was well within their sphere of influence. With events like the failed Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis happening on their soil, Cuba was at the center of the Cold War. Between ideological differences and their alliance with Russia, Cuba became an enemy of America as well. It took the efforts of ten American presidents, six Popes, and countless other actors, but Cuba and America are finally in the process of normalizing relations. There is still work to be done, but the path is clear and the time is right. However, one cannot simply ignore the last fifty years. In that time, millions of lives were affected by the lack of social, economic, and political ties between the U.S. and Cuba. In this paper, I will analyze the last fifty years of U.S. - Cuban relations by looking at the involved actors, their means, and their values and interests through the lenses of two paradigms, realism and constructivism.

The Cuban Revolution, as Fidel Castro proclaimed in January 1959, was a true revolution; it had profoundly impacted the very economic, social and political foundations of the nation of Cuba and with that a new society was forged. Being one of the most major political events of the twentieth century, it was a dramatic chapter in the Cold War. Wherein the improbable overthrow of the oppressive U.S-backed dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista by a band of young Communist guerillas and intellectuals otherwise known as the ‘July 26 Movement’ led by Fidel Castro, had drastically reshaped and ultimately severed all diplomatic ties to the U.S. This act of defiance was further cemented by the institutionalisation of a Marxist-Leninist government. Despite