Comparing the race problems with those in the United States, that the government uses as a tool to have Afro-Cubans feel that their situation is not as bad as their brothers in America, effectively lessens the feelings of racism in Cuba (131-132). Finally, Sawyer concludes that the advances made in racial relation post-Revolution has been compromised by all the conditions that I have documented previously, and I agree wholeheartedly with his assessments (131).
Analyzing the relationship with White Cubans and Cuban Americans with Blacks after the Cuban Revolution, Sawyer lays out some interesting facts. Outlined in Chapter Seven which talks about the racial politics in Miami, by giving details of the race riot that broke out in the black community
…show more content…
Disparate levels of income and housing expose the racism that Blacks in Miami live in, further shows the racist actions of the white Cuban-American leadership creates, in line with right-wing ideology and implementation (163). Cuban-Americans who are white, deny and neglect the discrimination that confronts Afro-Cuban emigrants and highlight the success stories of White emigrants and take a harsh stand against any Blacks especially leaders who support Fidel Castro, and the Cuban Revolution …show more content…
Elimination of segregation, national free health care, the breaking up of private clubs, educational facilities, and other organizations are great improvements. Literacy, involvement in all areas of government, acknowledgement of Afro-Cuban culture, and interjecting Blacks within the national identification of Cuba were additional positive results of the Revolution. Reaching out to Black nationalists from America, although all of the experiences did not end up amicably, was a positive influence on the Black Nationalist movement worldwide, with the assistance to freedom fighters in Africa, and being an asylum for political prisoners from America. I agree with Sawyer’s analysis of the impact of the Cuban Revolution, given all of the evidence there has been advancements and improvements for the Afro-Cuban, but there are still problems that need to be addressed and
Black Society in Spanish Florida by Jane Landers examines how different the lives of Blacks living under Spanish rule in Florida were from those living under British or French rule. Landers argues that not all Blacks during the slavery time period were treated the same, those in Florida were not in the fields picking cotton but in a sanctuary for those who wanted the freedom they deserved.
Castillo Bueno, Maria De Los Reyes, and Daisy Rubiera Castillo. Reyita: The Life of a Black Cuban Woman in the Twentieth Century. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2000. Print.
From April 15 to October 31 in 1980, over 125,000 Cuban migrants arrived in the United States. Family members from America ferried relatives and institutionalized Cubans from the Cuban port of Mariel, in what was soon coined the Mariel Boatlift. Mirta Ojito, one of these ‘Marielitos’, as they soon were termed, grew up to write “Finding Mañana: A Memoir of a Cuban Exodus”. In this text, the author provides a historic account of events leading up to the Mariel Boatlift, narratives from important figures surrounding the event, and a personal narrative describing the struggle of her family to gain freedom from the socialist dictatorship of Fidel Castro. Throughout the story of the years preceding the boatlift and the influence that living in Cuba held on her life, Ojito describes the positive and negative elements of the both the political climate and personal life on the communist island which led to her eventual emigration to the United States.
Rebecca Scott’s Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba after Slavery is a story based on a nineteenth and twentieth century comparative history of two sugar- producing regions. While explaining this, Scott mostly focuses on the race and politics. The two places that Scott focuses on is the state of Louisiana in the United States, and the country of Cuba. Scott explains how Louisiana slaves are in a situation where they are trying to fight for freedom against the white Americans in order to gain a profit for their work and become free of slavery as well as gain rights in the United States. But in Cuba, slaves and the Cuban natives united in order to gain their freedom from the Spanish which causes a war revolution which did not occur in Louisiana because the Slaves of Louisiana were just one race against the Whites. In response to Scott’s personal view and experience of “Degrees of Freedom”, I could understand her point of view of and the struggle that Cuban natives as well as Louisiana slaves had to live in order to fight for freedom.
Thirty-seven years to the date April 20th, 2017, Fidel Castro enacted the policy of the Mariel boatlift, in which he’d allow Cubans seeking to emigrate to the United States to do so by departing at Mariel. This number would eventually eclipse 125,000 people seeking asylum and refuge from Cuba, and the regime in which at one point they felt represented or directly opposed their own viewpoints. The first wave of Cuban exiles being the extremely wealthy, in direct opposition to Fidel Castro’s regime for a race-less society, and a single-class economy, government, and social order. The ultimatum being set at you’re with the revolution or you’re not, this encouraged former supporters of the now ousted Batista, to seek refuge in the United States.
Cuba is merely one example of a society. Juan Cabrera is simply an ordinary example of an individual. What The Lonely Crossing of Juan Cabrera by J. Joaquin Fraxedas bring to light is the extraordinary effects of stepping outside the comfort zone of following the expectations of those that lead our governments. Although the situation was unlike our own it highlights what could very well could have
As a young child, I remember living in New York during the latter part of the
The study of race relations in contemporary Cuba indelibly requires an understanding of the dynamic history of race relations in this ethnically pervasive island of the Caribbean. Cuban society, due to its historical antecedents of European colonialism and American imperialism, has traditionally experienced anguished and even tumultuous race relations. Racial disharmony has plagued Cuban society ever since the advent of the Colonial institution of the plantation system. Thus, in order to acquire some understanding of Cuba’s dynamic race relations one must study and investigate the evolution of racial tensions and the quintessential
To understand current U.S. laws pertaining to Cuban Immigration, one must first understand the origins of this laws and the social history behind these laws. Consequently, in this essay, I trace the origins of the immigration of Cubans from the 1800s to our days and how this immigration influenced the creation of current laws pertaining to Cuban immigration. I have also analyzed the socioeconomic factors that have influenced the immigration of Cubans to the U.S., and the historic events that have shape the U.S. laws pertaining to immigration. For this, I have extensively research the major Cuban Event that, one way or the other, influenced the Cuban Immigration, and promoted changes in the laws pertinent to the Cuban immigration. Some of these
Afro-Cubans struggled to no avail for racial equality between the years 1886-1912. The slaughter of protesting blacks in 1912 shows that the battle cries for equality of Antonio Maceo and José Marté during the war for independence had dissolved. What was left was a unequal Cuban society, divided racially and fearing a black revolution. Aline Helg speaks directly to this issue in her book Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912. The aforementioned period was one in which the nation’s formation was taking place, thus the unsuccessful attempt at equality has left difficult remnants of racial inequality buried deeply in the fabric of the nation.
Even though Cuba is a little under 100 miles away from the United States, the relationship between the two countries has created an atmosphere full of tension and perpetual mistrust. When Fidel Castro decided to align Cuba with the U.S.S.R. and become a communist country, the United States of America was stunned and highly insulted. Because of their relationship, both countries have played a back and forth game of trying to outdo the other. This game and state of affairs in Cuba has created a large influx of Cuban immigrants looking for better opportunities and trying to escape poverty and persecution. This paper will be focusing on Cuban immigrants and examining different Cuban immigration laws, which allowed them to easily become United States citizens, including; the Cuban Adjustment Act, The Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of 1976 and the Wet Foot, Dry Foot Policy. It will also discuss whether the Cuban immigration laws are unfair to other foreign immigrants and whether the laws are relevant today. Finally, we will be considering the future and try to predict how the laws will change with the changing diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States and the imminent removal of the Embargo Act.
The key themes and ideas that link The Independent Party of Color (P.I.C) and the writings: Where is Cuba Headed? by Julio Antonio Mella, History Will Absolve Me by Fidel Castro, and Sugarcane by Nicolas Guillen all arise from the inequalities that Cuban peoples endured. Fulgencio Batista was the current president and betrayed the trust of his Cuban people, yet again, by committing electoral fraud to declare himself president for a third time. This act by Batista served as the final turning point that caused the Cuban people to rebel. The racial, political, social, and economic inequalities that the Cubans were continually subjected to and tried to ignore were no longer tolerated.
They have the leading college completion rate of all the Latino groups in the U.S. The majority of them came during the anti-Castro movement as refugees to the United States. They were generally well educated, had managerial or professional backgrounds, and therefore met with greater economical success than later immigrants (Racial and Ethnic Groups Chapter 9). Fidel Castro has ruled over Cuba for the past 48 years, and there are still people coming to the United States (Miami, Florida) to get their citizenship and running from his reign. As recent as today, some immigrants from Cuba are not accepted well, unless they are outspoken critics of Fidel Castro (Racial and Ethnic Groups Chapter 9). The younger generation is more worried about how the Miami Dolphins are doing than what is going on in Havana these days (Racial and Ethnic Groups Chapter 9).
During the Cold War, relations between Cuba and the United States were icy. Cuba was allied with the USSR, America’s enemy, and was well within their sphere of influence. With events like the failed Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis happening on their soil, Cuba was at the center of the Cold War. Between ideological differences and their alliance with Russia, Cuba became an enemy of America as well. It took the efforts of ten American presidents, six Popes, and countless other actors, but Cuba and America are finally in the process of normalizing relations. There is still work to be done, but the path is clear and the time is right. However, one cannot simply ignore the last fifty years. In that time, millions of lives were affected by the lack of social, economic, and political ties between the U.S. and Cuba. In this paper, I will analyze the last fifty years of U.S. - Cuban relations by looking at the involved actors, their means, and their values and interests through the lenses of two paradigms, realism and constructivism.
The Cuban Revolution, which began in the early 1950’s, was an overthrow of a very corrupt government. It was an attempt to improve the conditions of the Cuban people, but the path was covered in blood and sweat and an informed historian has to ask, was it really worth it? How much actually changed?