The Racial Struggle of Afro-Cubans
Introduction
Afro-Cubans struggled to no avail for racial equality between the years 1886-1912. The slaughter of protesting blacks in 1912 shows that the battle cries for equality of Antonio Maceo and José Marté during the war for independence had dissolved. What was left was a unequal Cuban society, divided racially and fearing a black revolution. Aline Helg speaks directly to this issue in her book Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886-1912. The aforementioned period was one in which the nation’s formation was taking place, thus the unsuccessful attempt at equality has left difficult remnants of racial inequality buried deeply in the fabric of the nation.
The Unique
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A facade was created by the white military leaders which falsely associated Cuba’s independence with the end of slavery, and thus helped recruit large numbers of blacks. Thirdly, Helg discusses the high level of organization and mobilization of the black community in Cuba. Between the existence of century-old urban-rural networks and that of new networks established during the wars for independence, black mobilization and organization was well developed at this time.
The forth aspect of the Afro-Cuban experience which Helg mentions is the formation of the first black political party in the hemisphere, which, as I will address later, was destroyed between 1910-1912. When it is finally destroyed in 1912, official antiblack violence is what destroys it, and Helg shows that as the fifth particularity of the Cuban case. Lastly, Helg discusses the reconciliation of the "democratic ideologies versus racist practices" contradiction in Cuba for her final aspect of uniqueness. This last characteristic which Helg mentions played a huge role in the maintenance of racial hierarchies in Cuba.
By creating the myth of racial equality, white Cuban elites were able to force blacks into a passive role where they could not be equal and patriotic at the same time. With the myth of racial equality, the blacks had no one to blame but themselves for their lower social position, and the concept of racial inferiority was
Cuban history, like many other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean which have experienced colonial subjugation and imperial interference, is highlighted by tumultuous rebellions. Ever since the revolt of Carlos Manuel de Cespedes in 1868, who took up arms with his slaves to liberate Cuba from Spain’s colonial grasp, the existence of insurrectionists and adamant government opposition in Cuba has flourished. Social revolution and a strong will and practice of nationalism has indelibly characterized Cuban history. Nevertheless, the outcomes of particular movements and struggles for social justice have consistently frustrated revolutionary and radical leaders. Government regimes throughout
In 1882, Marti’ wrote that Cuban independence was a process and not a single event. He said that it would take lots of preparation and dedicated organization in order to achieve independence. (Perez 145) It was this thought process that was instrumental in the “defining of the most exalted version of Cuba Libre: independence from Spain and the United States. (Perez 146) It were these beliefs that lead to the establishment of the Cuban Revolutionary Party in April of 1892. The goal of this establishment was to liberate Cuba. Marti never
Jane Landers “Catholic Conspirators? Religious Rebels in Nineteenth-Century Cuba”, offers a fascinating view of the intricacies and importance of the Catholic Church’s extraordinary accounts and documentation, which provides details and insight into some of the most important slave, revolts, rebellions and conspiracies within free black communities in Cuba. While these documents offer important information, they also became objects deportation for some and subsequently, a death sentence for others.
In Ileana M. Rodríguez-Silva’s book Silencing Race: Disentangling Blackness, Colonialism, and National Identities in Puerto Rico, she reconstructs defining historical moments between the 1870s and 1910s when over-racialized boundaries became politically expedient in the building of a cohesive Puerto Rican national identity. Ileana M. Rodríguez-Silva is an associate professor of Latin American and Caribbean history at the University of Washington, Department of History. She earned her B.A. at the Universidad de Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras and her M.A. and Ph.D. at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She has also won an award for writing Silencing Race: Disentangling Blackness, Colonialism, and National Identities in Puerto Rico.
In America today, there is a large and diverse African-American population. Within this population, there are several ethnic groups. The other ethnic group similar to Afro-Americans is Dominicans. Not only are they both minorities, but they also look similar as well. Both Dominicans and Afro-Americans are originally from Africa, but their slave masters separated them into two different cultures. African-Americans was African slaves of Americans, and Dominicans were African slaves of the Spanish. Hevesi of the New York Times says, "Dominican and Afro-Americans culture was formed from one ethnicity, Africans" (Hevesi 86). As a person of these two ethnic groups, I have two perceptions of my dual ethnicity. Among Afro-Americans’ and
Race in Argentina and Cuba, 1880-1930: Theory, Policies, and Popular Reaction, by Aline Heig; In the Analysis of the writen of Sarmiento, Bunge, and Ingenieros; Heig explain the believe of the racial theory in Argentina and Cuba. She explained about the different treatments during those times in which the social and racial class it was divided. Cuba and Argentina it was characterize by the separation of skin color. The Anglo-Saxon in Argentina and Cuba have the idea of superiority race and inferiority. However, Heig explain that the ideology of the Argentina culture is very similar because they believe in the white superiority and Indians and black inferiority.
The study of race relations in contemporary Cuba indelibly requires an understanding of the dynamic history of race relations in this ethnically pervasive island of the Caribbean. Cuban society, due to its historical antecedents of European colonialism and American imperialism, has traditionally experienced anguished and even tumultuous race relations. Racial disharmony has plagued Cuban society ever since the advent of the Colonial institution of the plantation system. Thus, in order to acquire some understanding of Cuba’s dynamic race relations one must study and investigate the evolution of racial tensions and the quintessential
This week’s reading of Silence on Black Cuba interesting in how it showed racism and discrimination in “Black” Cuba. Although about 50 percent of the estimated 6.7 million population of Cuba was African decent, there was still discrimination towards them. What was even more interesting was that even some of the Afro-Cuban soldiers who fought along side Fidel and Che encountered discrimination. This being the case, Fidel simply downplayed the issue stating that their discrimination wasn’t as serious as the Southern States.
Brittmarie Janson Perez, author of Political Facets of Salsa, writes, “Late at night, in a discotheque in a Latin American country whose political system is dominated by the military and is not particularly known for its respect for human rights, a crowd is dancing salsa, a generic term covering Caribbean dance music” (149). This has been and continues to be a very commonly accurate depiction of many Latin American countries. Since Cuba was founded in October 1492, its government and politics has been characterized by brutality, corruption and instability. Nonetheless, involvement from foreign nations and its deeply engrained Spanish roots has without a doubt had a significant impact on the transformation of what Cuba is today. In this paper, I will explore the pros and cons of the 1959 Cuban Revolution through the examination of the historical context of politics and how it impacted the social atmosphere.
Comparing the race problems with those in the United States, that the government uses as a tool to have Afro-Cubans feel that their situation is not as bad as their brothers in America, effectively lessens the feelings of racism in Cuba (131-132). Finally, Sawyer concludes that the advances made in racial relation post-Revolution has been compromised by all the conditions that I have documented previously, and I agree wholeheartedly with his assessments (131).
The relationship between African Americans and Hispanics in Miami is very complex and extends back almost a century. There are many ways in which the vast Hispanic population of South Florida has benefited the African American community. But, for the most part, the tremendous and continuous influx of foreigners of a specific group will always create many problems for other competing groups. This is the case with Hispanics in Miami. The continuous immigration has hurt the African American community in several ways. An example of this is government representation. Throughout the decades political representation for both blacks and Hispanics in Miami Dade County has increased due to the ending of segregation among many other factors that have
Another large component of Puerto Ricanness is Race. All of the different cultures that have throughout history combined to form Puerto Rico effect their nationality, history, lifestyles, traditions, music, and foods.
The members are very joyful and open minded before the everyday problems, they know when to celebrate and when to be extremely serious. Furthermore, an incredibly sound legacy defines every Cuban American no matter where they could be, to the point that it transcends through generations and centuries. When trying to analyze the history of this community, it is necessary to
The black freedom struggle attracted minorities within the US as well as oppressed people from all over the world to empower a movement against colonialism. A rising US Third World caught the attention of leaders like Fidel Castro and made locales like Harlem the center of geopolitical discussion. Furthermore, it encouraged dialogue in places like Canada where racism wasn’t recognized as a real social issue. The black freedom struggle had global implications, but it was not the only liberation movement for black people.
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the island of Cuba was in the process of emerging from a Spanish colony to an independent nation. Freedom from Spain, however, was not the only struggle that Cuba was experiencing at this time. After having been oppressed by slavery for several centuries, Afro-Cubans, who had joined the fight for independence in large numbers, were demanding equality in Cuban society. Nevertheless, whites, especially in the elite, continued to initiate discriminatory practices against them. As a last resort, Afro-Cubans staged an armed protest in response to the outlawing of their political party in 1912. Although valiant, the attempt was