The History of the Quebec Francophones and the Attempts Made to Accommodate Their Concerns

will no longer support by the French culture. Canada will hurt a lot because it

The concept of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is an idea that has been kicking around for some time, but just what does it mean and what are its broader implications? This paper will examine the origins of the term, what it means, and its historical context. It will then examine rival interpretations of federalism. The essay will conclude with an in-depth examination of the concept's involvement with the failed constitutional accords and the failed Quebec succession attempts.

Being an English speaker myself it is very encouraging and helpful that I am perfectly bilingual, being bilingual has helped me in the work force, in my studies and in my social life. These are some factors that have English speaking Quebecers speak more French and really made an impact among English and French speakers of Quebec. In Bernard Landry’s video he talks about speaking to his cousins that live in British Columbia and displays how they have lost their French Background it is in the Parti Quebecoise best interest to prevent this from happening. As we have seen, la survivance was the notion that fuelled traditional Quebec nationalism. The Quiet Revolution gave rise to a new type of nationalism in Quebec which had a different vision of the state and its ability, through its institutions, to help the French survive (L7, S49). The French-English divide was further aggravated when the Quebec government decided to use its institutions to implement legislation to ensure the survival of the French language in Quebec. This caused a great deal of controversy in English .In an attempt to counter such nationalist language tactics and appease the French, the federal government also used its institutions to enact legislation related to language. There is no doubt that the

Prior to the Quebec Referendums, many national movements in regards to national movement which drove nationalism of French ethnicity. In order to understand what the Quebec Referendums reveal about Canadian government reveals, the context the Quebec Referendum was set needs to be understood as well as the existing strained relationship between Canadians and Quebecois. Prior to the referendums, Quebec nationalists and federalists have been dominant figures in Canadian politics. In essence, this paper explores 1) the context prior to the referendum in order to illustrate the significance of the Quebec referendum, 2) briefly discuss the referendum results and 3) tie in the following in order to exemplify what the Quebec Referendums reveal about Canadian Government. As this paper will illustrate, the referendums are multi-faceted issues and as Boucher brings up, what happen to the true Canadianism, "compromising to avoid confrontation and reaching consensus"? Unfortunately for Quebecois, in order to protect their distinct identity, they have been depicted as an insensitive tyrant by dealing with direct confrontation. On a superficial level, the Quebec Referendums reveal the Canadian government is divided amongst two distinct cultures of Quebecois and Inuit who make up a

Although Canada can be defined as a nation state, its vast landscape means many people are faced with different views and mindsets. Source one simply shows the differences within the nation of Canada. Eastern and Western Canada, because of their geographical differences, can be faced with contending loyalties when it comes to some nations aspects of life. Different lifestyles under the same set of government creates a physiological barrier between a nation. The source also shows the differences in Quebec nationalism compared to the rest of Canada. Some groups like the FLQ or the Front for Liberation of Quebec are known for their extremist views of Quebec nationalism. The small group called the FLQ was active in the 1960’s and 1970’s and they

Finally in 1867, the United Canadas joined two other British Colonies, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to form the Dominion of Canada (McRoberts 1991, 413). French-Canadians continued to fight against assimilation and received autonomous privileges with exclusive jurisdiction over matters regarding its cultural distinctiveness***. Thus, the Francophone language and culture has always been at the forefront of Quebec priorities. Since Confederation, Quebec nationalist have felt that the Francophone language and culture has been at risk of assimilation by the rest of Canada. As a result, Quebec nationalism is fundamentally rooted in the preservation of the Francophone language and culture (Guiberneau 2006, 52). Political leaders in Quebec continuously urge for the recognition that Canada is composed of two nations or cultures (McRoberts 1991, 413). Prior to confederation Quebec enjoyed numerous autonomous privileges. Unfortunately, post-confederation Quebec did not enjoy as many autonomous privileges because Canada was created as a relatively centralized federation (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). A centralized federation not only took several of these autonomous powers away from Quebec, but it also threatened the Francophone language and culture (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). With this said, Quebec nationalism has placed a great deal of pressure on the federal government to decentralize, giving more powers to provincial governments.

Nationalism is an important aspect of national pride and identity for countries around the world. For example, Canada takes pride in its cultural identity, one that is claimed to be different from other ‘Western’ more ‘industrialized’ nations, such as countries in Europe, and the United States. Even though Canada currently has a national identity that differs greatly from that of other more established countries, history has dictated the way in which a particular national identity exists today. In Canada, Samuel De Champlain and the French established colonies that created a cultural clash between the French Europeans, and First-Nations Canadians within the country. However, this notion of French Canadian Nationalism isn’t necessarily embraced by all of the Canadian Population. This paper seeks to analyze important pieces of Canadian History that have contributed to a broken concept of what constitutes Canadian nationalism, with an emphasis on how historic events prevent and affect coherent Canadian Nationalism in modern society. Through the analysis of the notions and histories associated with ‘First-Nations Nationalism’, ‘Quebecois Nationalism’, and a broader ‘Anti-American’ identity embraced by many Canadians, this paper seeks to locate common ground within the culturally diverse Canadian population in order to progress toward a singular coherent

In recent elections, the separatist parties in Quebec have seen crushing defeats, raising questions about their relevance in modern day Canada. Support for Quebec separatism has diminished in the past several decades, with the rise of the NDP in the 2011 federal election and the more recent provincial Liberal victory in April of 2014. In the 2011 federal election, specifically, the Bloc Quebecois was reduced to only four seats in the House of Commons, while the NDP took the majority of Quebec’s seats. The provincial Parti Quebecois (PQ) has also been faltering, losing more often than not to the Liberal Party of Quebec (PLQ). Indeed, over the past decade, the PLQ has only lost one election, and has held majorities in many. The most recent election put them back into power after a short PQ minority government that began in 2012. These recent elections may point to a future in which the separatist movement in Quebec may be silenced. Since the late 1950s, the question of Quebec separatism has existed, with levels of support varying throughout the following decades, leading up the referendums of 1980 and 1995. The defeats suffered by the separatist parties in recent elections demonstrate that the separatist movement may be close to being over in Quebec.

In Canadian history, nationalism and sovereignty tend to be common themes prevalent since Confederation. A well-known example of this in Quebec was during the Quiet Revolution which strengthened the need for change through Premier Lesage’s reforms and in turn, developed a strong sense of nationalism in Quebec. In contrast to beliefs that the rapid modernization of the Quiet Revolution had a positive impact on Quebec, it rather had a negative impact on Quebec and its citizens and identity. The three consequences which arose in Quebec as a result of the revolution are the encouragement of separatism, the elimination of traditional values and roles and the establishment of powerful bureaucratic control. Quebec’s attempt to be more like the

In the tenth chapter of his text, Fitzpatrick highlights the need for assimilation and the Canadianization of the frontiersmen. He states that, the greatest problem of the Canadian society is based on the challenges in assimilating the diverse foreign population. According to his work, this can effectively be down through the presence of the university and the work of the “labourer-instructor.” The labourer-teacher served as a locus for teaching the English language and the cultural norms of Canada to the frontiersmen. Fitzpatrick believed that the labourer-teachers should act as role model for the frontiersmen and assist in developing good Canadian citizens.

The question of whether Quebec will secede from Canada to become an independent nation has been a hot topic in the country for several years now. It dates back to the abortive rebellions of 1837-38. In 1980, a referendum to secede was rejected by a 60-40 margin. Since then though, the numbers of Quebeckers that want to become sovereign has significantly increased. There is so many questions of what will happen if this does happen. In this paper I plan to take a deeper look at this situation and try to figure out what it would actually be like if Quebec was its own country.

This paper explores the topic of language rights as it relates to the case of Franco-Anglo relations in Quebec, Canada. It will attempt to provide a brief history and build a context for the case study in order to postulate a better understanding of how and why language discrimination occurs. The formation of social and ethnic boundaries is also investigated through an explanation of anthropologist Fredrik Barth’s theories of ethnicity. Using various printed historical sources, pieces of legislation, law reviews, and court cases, this paper endeavors to analyze the issue of language as a human right of expression, how group identity may be affected by its restriction, and the symbolism of language discrimination through the example of Quebec’s

The federalist’s perspective is defined by Trudeau, Health and Pelletier. Trudeau argues that Quebec nationalism is the result of illogical tribal impulses. He then finds the idea of seeing Quebec as a nation silly. To him Quebec is merely an aspect of Canada, and if distinct for no ther reason than its location. Then to understand Quebec, we need to look at Canada, as it is an aspect of the country. Heath argues that Quebec managed to develop a distinct nationalism. However, he feels that Quebec still defines itself due to its relationship with Canada. He holds that with the advent of Canadian nationalism Quebec came to hold the paradoxical position that it is different from Canada and thus would not participate in the Canadian culture, but that Canadian culture does not represent Quebec well enough. As such, Quebec`s identity is in part determined by the Canadian culture, as it view itself as an aspect of the Canadian culture, or else it would not be upset with the Canadian culture. Finally, Pelletier argues Quebec has developed a distinct

Outside of attempting to achieve sovereignty, the Parti Quebecois has advocated for French language and cultural rights within Canada and Quebec for its entire existence. The most prominent advocacy is perhaps Bill 101, which entrenches the rights of the French language in the Canadian constitution . Championed by Leveque’s government in 1977, it outlined the terms which protected the French language in Quebec by setting out the terms of its use and access. The move was crucial to maintaining the position of Quebec in conducting business and the language’s ability to be used in an official capacity where before the only inclusions were where the stipulations in the British North America Act . Instituting such protection as law has gone from being part of their platform to the focus, given the cultural force English Canada possesses compared to Quebec’s.

It is crucial to understand the population of Quebec in terms of how likely certain demographics are to support sovereignty. Duchesne, Eagle, and Erfle (2003) note that constituencies with a high percentage of young adults are very likely to be in favour or Quebec secessionism. This may be due to the fact that “young voters provide an effective backing for the nationalist cause in the province” (Duchesne, Eagle, & Erfle, 2003, p. 652), especially as nationalist and alt-right movements are becoming widespread in various regions around the world where political tensions are high, such as Quebec, Alberta, and many areas in the United States. Additionally, ridings with high numbers of voters over the age of 65 are also likely to support sovereignty and parties such as the Bloc Quebecois (Lublin & Voss, 2002). That is, these individuals directly experienced the surge in confidence and economic advancement that the Quiet Revolution and the referendums brought to the province (Lublin & Voss, 2002). Further, Lublin and Voss (2002) argue that individuals from Quebec who “grew up in an era during which sovereignty was widely discussed as a viable and legitimate option … support sovereignty and the BQ” (p. 94). Overall, support for Quebec sovereignty is not divided amongst age groups, allowing Quebec regionalism to survive within various generations, thus the sovereignty movement continues to exist with young people in the present and in future political shifts in secessionist