Franco-Anglo Relations In Quebec, Canad Case Study

The entrenchment of rights in the Canadian Constitution comes after long experience with a system of parliamentary supremacy. The American judicial tradition of treating the written constitution as fundamental law cannot have an instant Canadian counterpart. Thus, it does not follow that the Canadian courts will necessarily claim a role comparable to that of courts in the United States, nor is it clear that the representative bodies in Canada would tolerate such a judicial assertion of power. Opposition by government bodies to the Charter have already occurred in Canada, where the Parti Quebecois government of Quebec invoked the “notwithstanding the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms” clause for the purpose of protecting their language laws from attack under the charter. This report will attempt to note some of the common and distinctive features of the text of the two constitutions as well as to how they differ.

The concept of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is an idea that has been kicking around for some time, but just what does it mean and what are its broader implications? This paper will examine the origins of the term, what it means, and its historical context. It will then examine rival interpretations of federalism. The essay will conclude with an in-depth examination of the concept's involvement with the failed constitutional accords and the failed Quebec succession attempts.

For most Quebecers, November 15, 1976 serves as a memorable date that triggered an array of effects that have come to define today’s Quebec. The date marks the Quebec general election in which the Parti Québécois (PQ) led by René Lévesque, defeated the Quebec Liberal Party, led by Robert Bourassa (Gossage & Little, 2012, p. 265). The victory caused many repercussions and reforms in rural zoning, auto protection, and laws on political party funding (Dickinson & Young, 2008, p. 333). Most notably, the triumph left federalists feeling powerless, particularly in Quebec’s English-speaking community, who were very concerned about the possibility of Quebec independence. Moreover, the bringing in of the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101) on August 26, 1977 contributed to the enlarging strain in Quebec’s English-speaking community (Gossage & Little, 2012, p. 266). As a result, a great deal of research has been made on the intense psychological transformations felt by Quebec’s English-speaking communities following the historic election.

Although Canada can be defined as a nation state, its vast landscape means many people are faced with different views and mindsets. Source one simply shows the differences within the nation of Canada. Eastern and Western Canada, because of their geographical differences, can be faced with contending loyalties when it comes to some nations aspects of life. Different lifestyles under the same set of government creates a physiological barrier between a nation. The source also shows the differences in Quebec nationalism compared to the rest of Canada. Some groups like the FLQ or the Front for Liberation of Quebec are known for their extremist views of Quebec nationalism. The small group called the FLQ was active in the 1960’s and 1970’s and they

What makes someone suffer? Does being tormented make you suffer? Is being made fun of by peers suffering? The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne is set in an old Puritan society where many people are persecuted for not following religion in any way whether it is a small sin or a large sin. Hester Prynne is the greatest sufferer in the novel because she was publicly humiliated in front of the whole town and has been an outcast for most of her life in that town.

Even though it seems that Richard got a lot of the abuse, it's always been like this for French Canadians in Quebec. French Canadians have never been able to coexist with English Canadians and have always felt like second class citizens to English Canadians. The reason why they have never been able to coexist with them is due to the fact that they have never been able to make a decision together and have almost always been on opposite sides of each decision. For example, when prohibition was created in the 1920s, Quebec had more than 70% people vote no. However, almost every other province ha people vote more than 50% people vote yes.

Finally in 1867, the United Canadas joined two other British Colonies, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to form the Dominion of Canada (McRoberts 1991, 413). French-Canadians continued to fight against assimilation and received autonomous privileges with exclusive jurisdiction over matters regarding its cultural distinctiveness***. Thus, the Francophone language and culture has always been at the forefront of Quebec priorities. Since Confederation, Quebec nationalist have felt that the Francophone language and culture has been at risk of assimilation by the rest of Canada. As a result, Quebec nationalism is fundamentally rooted in the preservation of the Francophone language and culture (Guiberneau 2006, 52). Political leaders in Quebec continuously urge for the recognition that Canada is composed of two nations or cultures (McRoberts 1991, 413). Prior to confederation Quebec enjoyed numerous autonomous privileges. Unfortunately, post-confederation Quebec did not enjoy as many autonomous privileges because Canada was created as a relatively centralized federation (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). A centralized federation not only took several of these autonomous powers away from Quebec, but it also threatened the Francophone language and culture (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). With this said, Quebec nationalism has placed a great deal of pressure on the federal government to decentralize, giving more powers to provincial governments.

Nationalism is an important aspect of national pride and identity for countries around the world. For example, Canada takes pride in its cultural identity, one that is claimed to be different from other ‘Western’ more ‘industrialized’ nations, such as countries in Europe, and the United States. Even though Canada currently has a national identity that differs greatly from that of other more established countries, history has dictated the way in which a particular national identity exists today. In Canada, Samuel De Champlain and the French established colonies that created a cultural clash between the French Europeans, and First-Nations Canadians within the country. However, this notion of French Canadian Nationalism isn’t necessarily embraced by all of the Canadian Population. This paper seeks to analyze important pieces of Canadian History that have contributed to a broken concept of what constitutes Canadian nationalism, with an emphasis on how historic events prevent and affect coherent Canadian Nationalism in modern society. Through the analysis of the notions and histories associated with ‘First-Nations Nationalism’, ‘Quebecois Nationalism’, and a broader ‘Anti-American’ identity embraced by many Canadians, this paper seeks to locate common ground within the culturally diverse Canadian population in order to progress toward a singular coherent

This research paper will be looking into and discussing, whether or not the French language in Quebec is still under threat. This project will discuss the existence of a threat to French language, and its culture. Also look into possible reasons why people may believe that there is a threat or not.

The health behaviour change that I will focus on will be to decrease the consumption of unhealthy foods.

Canada is a place known to be a multiculturalism country to many. Although it is meant to be a positive thing in many minds, it is also tended to be a negative thing. This is shown in the essays “No Place Like Home” by Neil Bissondath, and “Immigrants, Multiculralism, and Canadian citizenship” by Will Kymlicka. Both essay make powerful points to why multiculturalism is negative, but also shows the method that the authors use to write such as racism, how both author’s use the pathos and logos method, but also false premises.

There is a growing of ethnic groups from non-European societies, who can meet Canadian economic development in term of their level of education, occupational skills and languages. Those ethnic groups are called immigrants because they are neither indigenous nor colonist settlers but are accepted through Canada’s immigration policy (Banting 2010). Even though diverse cultures and differences of minorities were recognized and celebrated within the bilingual framework during the multiculturalism policy of the 1970s, their full equal participations are still excluded from the mainstream society (Leung 2012).

* Collective rights come from the roots of Aboriginal peoples, Francophones and Anglophones in the land and history of Canada.

The author’s viewpoint regarding background checks is relatable to my opinion. I believe that there should be background checks worldwide due to the recent shootings because it is chaotic. Backgrounds should have a more in depth process because it is very easy to pass, and then down the road, a person has conflicts. I also believe that annually, everyone that owns a gun should go

Kannenberg integrates Canadian history into his text while also speaking about Clarke's "Canadian Experience", making references to Canada being the first nation to officially adopt a multiculturalism policy in 1971. By constantly comparing and contrasting this policy with the experiences within "Canadian Experience", there is an examination of how this policy is seemingly only in theory. It will demonstrate in my paper that while Canada is more tolerant towards other cultures, it still suffers from an isolation that immigrants will feel in the country.