The Chapter 3 of Charles Armstrong’s The North Korean Revolution focuses on the social engineering of the nascent North Korean regime that brought about drastic social reforms and its implications on various social groups in the North in relation to the formation of the North Korean party-state. Under the auspices of the Soviet authorities, the North Korean Provisional People’s Committee (NKPPC) initiated massive social reforms that mobilized social groups that were formerly marginalized during the colonial era – most notably peasants, workers, women, and youths – to solidify the emerging communist regime of Kim Il Sung.
Above all, land reform was the most crucial of the social reforms of the NKPPC and incorporated the peasantry into the largest support base of the communist regime through the Peasant League. Also, through the KCP-controlled North Korean Federation of Trade Unions (NKFTU), North Korea’s sizable urban proletariat population came under the direct control of the regime and became its most loyal supporters. Furthermore, using North Korean Democratic Youth League (DYL) as its primary tool, the North’s relatively youthful leaders transformed long-neglected young population into the core support group of the regime and eliminated “reactionary” youthful opposition.
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Armstrong explains: “The result of the North Korean revolution… was not the elimination of social hierarchy as such, but a radical change in the content of hierarchy” (72). Did this “neo-traditional” character of the North Korean state serve a catalyst for the degeneration of North Korean socialism into a quasi-religious totalitarianism we see today? Or was it simply the first sign of such degeneration envisioned by Kim Il
As a result of the regimes isolationist policy the people of North Korea suffered greatly in both mental and physical health. The hold the state had over the beliefs of the citizens presented in “Nothing to Envy”, varied from absolute belief to uncomfortable awareness. The reader is presented often with Mrs. Song’s dedication to the regime, and Kim Il-sung himself. A mother of four she was often gone from home, working and attending ideological training sessions. “Fridays she stayed especially late for self-criticism. In these sessions members of her work unit- the department to which she was assigned- would reveal to the group anything they had done wrong—Mrs. Song would usually say, in all sincerity, that she feared she wasn’t working hard enough” (Pg. 43).When Kim Il-sung died, she
I believe that North Korea is similar to the society in the book Anthem. I believe this for the reason that they are both collectivism societies and their leaders go to extreme ends to protect their collectivism (71). Firstly, they are both collectivism societies which means that the citizens are taught to work for the greater good instead of just themselves. If they aren’t contributing or making the culture better, than the leaders would not approve of their action. For example, in North Korea the citizens have to work for the greater good and are not encouraged to be individualized. Another example, is that in the book Anthem they are not allowed to speak the word “I” because that hints towards individualism which the society is not about
Nothing to Envy by Barbara Demick provides insight into the lives of North Korean defectors while in North Korea. Their accounts give inside information about the North Korean regime which makes it possible to analyze to what extent society was an egalitarian utopia. The interview reveals that people were discriminated by social class as evident by those who were richer, and thus in a higher social strata, having more opportunities for success. There was also economic inequity which was apparent by people having different degrees of struggle. However, the problems North Koreans faced was similar, which showed there was some equality from their struggles. Overall, the interviewees give accounts which contradict the idea that the North Korean regime was promoting egalitarianism through their accounts which give counterexamples regarding social class and economic status, so their claim of egalitarianism is mostly false.
In chapter 4, Hazel Smith illustrate how wartime influenced on the state and party building in North Korea. As South Korea estimated that North Korea lost a half of its population, the damage by Korean War was extensive (Smith, 97). Through the war, however, North Korea seemed to give Party authority so that they could function as decision maker. In addition, Kim Il Sung’s authority was also uniquely strong. His leader authority, mass mobilization, and policy of self-reliance were important elements of the North Korean post-war state. As she says in chapter 5, children were supposed to learn about Kim Il Sung (Smith, 123). Moreover, North Korean people were not allowed to have international publication (Smith, 126). These Smith’s explanations
Yi’Haung started a conservative reform program which aimed to restore “the three systems of land tax, relief grain and military service” as all three had become seriously corrupted (Fairbank, Reischauer and Craig, 1973, 612). Schirokauer (1993, 215) argues however that the reform program was not drastic enough to “transform Korea into a strong and viable state” and so the attempt to modernise made by Yi’ Haung was ineffective.
The Korean War split a unified country, creating two drastically differing sides. South Korea is seen as an economic power and a hub for advancement and innovation; on the other hand, North Koreans have suffered from detrimental social reforms. Under the strict regime of dictators Kim-Jong Un and Kim-Jong Il, personal freedoms have been stripped from the North Korean people, turning North Korea into a world-renowned symbol of poverty and suppression. Had these reforms not occurred, would North Korea be seen under such a negative light? The Giver, a dystopian novel written by author Lois Lowry, attempts to explain such a situation.
1984 demonstrates a dystopian society in Oceania by presenting a relentless dictator, Big Brother, who uses his power to control the minds of his people and to ensure that his power never exhausts. Aspects of 1984 are evidently established in components of society in North Korea. With both of these society’s under a dictator’s rule, there are many similarities that are distinguished between the two. Orwell’s 1984 becomes parallel to the world of dystopia in North Korea by illustrating a nation that remains isolated under an almighty ruler.
Understanding how North Korea as a country defines itself in a changing world. Where do they derive their customs and practices, political standings and military power? Define North Korea’s history leading into the modern age and define its culture and characteristics and how they interact with the world today. Understanding a subject as broad as the term culture begins where the culture began with the birth of civilization and the people that influenced it. There are many factors that play a role in the shaping of a nation none so much as turmoil and conflict and the Korean peninsula saw its fair share for the better part of a millennia. A complete statistical breakdown of North Korea shows a struggling nation that strongly depends on
The Secret State of North Korea offered a great look into what basic things North Koreans are lacking. Even within the realm of Communism. Lack of freedoms, lack of food, lack of community, lack of trust, lack of a social society, lack of programs for children, lack of equality, and a lack of information. When Kim Il-Sung created North Korea, the government was based on Marxism and Leninism, called “Juche.” Just as the Soviets, the North Koreans followed suite with massive inequality between the government officials and the common people. The documentary showed its viewers what the government is omnipresent in the everyday lives of its people, so much so that recordings of daily life are illegal, and “random” searches take place commonly.
It predated the emergence of liberalism, it fueled the romantics of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (...) and it sparks the dreams of utopians who envision a transcendence of liberalism.” Essentially, corporatism is the control of state by large interest groups and in history is displayed in three primal themes. Traditional corporatism includes a hierarchy, organic connection and family. These have three great images that resonate with it - political fatherhood, the body politic and the great chain, examples of this are Mussolini and Henry VIII. The ideology of Kim Il Sung resonated loudly with the ideologies of corporatism however in typical DPRK fashion, North Korea developed a unique sect. Key to DPRK’s corporatism is a philosophy of a God-like figure, a beloved father of the people. An almighty saviour. Cummings describes how the ‘personality cult’ surrounding the Kim dynasty means ‘North Korea is closer to a Neo-Confucian kingdom than to a Stalin’s Russia’. Thus, as the features of North Korean society deem the nation far from communism and closer to that of
We established that, North Korea’s population is divided into three levels that the citizens and government adhere to- The Core Class, representing the upper class at the top. The Wavering Class, which represented those yet to be considered loyal to the Workers’ Party. Finally, the Hostile class: which sat at the bottom of North Korea’s Caste system. The classes were not based in hard work or merit, but they are determined by how much the Workers’ Party can trust your family.
Liberation for the oppressed people must be obtained as soon as possible. ‘Rocket Man’ is starving his citizens and causing them to live in poverty. One third of children in the nation have suffered stunted growth do to the lack of food available (Newman). Not only is North Korea’s economy so weak it can not pay to feed its people, the citizens only make two-three dollars a month (Newman). Although the majority of people make so little, it is
With the creation of a popular democratic front, KIM IL SUNG will be a suitable candidate to head it” (Report on Communists in Korea). If it weren’t for the Soviets, there would be less separation and the North and South Korean governments would be completely different. The author refers to the mass separation between the two parties but doesn’t really pay any attention to it, “In South Korea, besides the Communist Party, the strongest party is the Democratic Party, which represents the interests of the big landowners and capitalists. The party numbers about 10,000 and is headed by Song Jin-u. The party openly engages in pro-imperialist and anti-Communist propaganda”(Report on Communists in Korea). The Cold War affected North Korea in ways other than politically, also.
In the world today, Communism is a feared form of government; societies look upon North Korea in fear, and are scared of a day when their own government may turn to communism. When George Orwell wrote and published Animal Farm in 1945, it was the year WWII had ended. During the War, China and Russia were two major countries at war with each other; at the time China had become a communist country. George Orwell, who greatly disapproved of Communism, wrote Animal Farm to show the terrors of Communism and what causes it; which he believed was greed and the desire for power. In Animal Farm, George Orwell examines and illuminates that power and greed are two dangerous desires that will corrupt one and develop radical behavior that will eventually
Most people probably think 1984 is completely fiction, but there are many drastic similarities between 1984 and North Korean Society. These societies have forced labor camps, powerful dictators or government parties, and the use of propaganda. Both of these societies slowly gained power over many years and took full control of their country or territory. On the other hand, they differ when it comes to they way they designed their governments. Both 1984’s and North Korea's societies are similar in the ways they control, torture, and deprive their people, but differ when it comes to government organization.