Masters Of Choice Is A Wonderful Publication By Iris Lopez

After earning a doctorate, Castro was hired by a small men’s college in rural Indiana to teach feminism theory and women 's literature to thirty-five men. She was prepared and ready for the disagreements, the drop outs and the failures that couldn’t open up their minds on feminism. But she values those voices, the questions and hostility because "they taught me how to make feminism 's insights relevant to people outside a closed, snug room of agreement" (Castro, 98). She had learned how to create feminism theory, critical race theory and observation about class privilege relevant, exciting and even needful to people who had no material reason to care. She learned diplomacy.

Briggs' historiography of the enslavement of working class Puerto Rican women to experimentation intersects with and was part of the formation of racialized ideologies of disease, which were used to construct the racial, social and political difference between Puerto Ricans and white Americans and to control Puerto Rican working class women, in a context of explaining away U.S exploitation of the island and constructing Puerto Rico as the reason why the U.S. is a benevolent international force.*** In the 19th century, this was discussed primarily in relation to Puerto Rican sex workers, in the 20th century it focused on reproductive control.

The readings for this week consisted of the second half of Conceiving Cuba by Elise Andaya (2014). This half of the book focused on abortion, gendered work and surviving through migration (Andaya, 2014). Overall, Andaya (2014) focuses less on reproductive health and women than one would expect, and instead provides more of a critique of the shortcomings of the socialist revolution in Cuba. These critiques get in the way of Andaya’s (2014) narrative and ultimately detract from the discussion of reproductive health in Cuba.

Therefore, in the mothers’ point of view, their daughter's sexual encounters were commonly seen as their boyfriends taking advantage of their naivety. Such was the case for Emma, who reports telling her daughter, “‘You think he loves you? Se está aprovechando de ti, ya verás [He’s taking advantage of you, you’ll see]!’” (Garcia, 2012: 24). The reason behind this view is “the patriarchal control over women’s bodies” (Garcia, 2012: 24). Because women were seen as objects, the common explanation for female sexuality is that they were deceived by their partner. Victimization was also seen as a way to maintain both a girl’s and her mother’s reputation. The mothers interviewed were expected to take on the responsibility of raising their children. One of the tasks involved was educating their daughters of the dangers of premarital sex. Like the teachers of the sex education courses the girls had taken, mothers did not go in depth on different methods of pursuing safe sex. In the end, the cultural belief that a daughter who had been properly educated would prevent unwanted pregnancy and STDs through abstinence until marriage persisted in the lives of second-generation Latinas. By portraying their daughters as victims, the mothers would avoid having other relatives place the blame on them for not properly educating their

Today, the availability of birth control is taken for granted. There was a time, not long passed, during which the subject was illegal (“Margaret Sanger,” 2013, p.1). That did not stop the resilient leader of the birth control movement. Margaret Sanger was a nurse and women’s activist. While working as a nurse, Sanger treated many women who had suffered from unsafe abortions or tried to self-induce abortion (p.1). Seeing this devastation and noting that it was mainly low income women suffering from these problems, she was inspired to dedicate her life to educating women on family planning—even though the discussion of which was highly illegal at the time (p.1). She was often in trouble with

In Amigas and Amantes: Sexually Nonconforming Latinas Negotiate Family, Katie Acosta explores how Latina women, who sexually identify as lesbian, bisexual, or queer, struggle to create and maintain family ties. Recalling the lived experiences of these sexually nonconformity Latinas, Acosta uses the theory of intersectionality to examine how the different identity markers (such as race, gender, age, sex, etc.) profoundly affects the way these Latinas experience their family. In this essay, we’ll take a look at how intersectionality illuminates that struggle for visibility by studying the differences found in religion, class, country of origin, and heteronormativity. Furthermore, we’ll be analyzing how sexually nonconforming Latinas

The Birth Control Movement of 1912 in the United States had a significant impact on Women’s Reproductive Rights. Women in the 1800s would frequently die or have complications during or after childbirth. Even if the woman would have died, they would still have a great amount of children. As the years progressed into the 1900s, the amount of children being born dropped. Because of this, birth control supplements were banned, forcing women to have a child that she was not prepared for or did not want to have in the first place.

These extravagant women were revered by their generation, and according to the Cuban foreign minister in 1958, Andrés Vargas Gómez, "She was a sacred creature and it was her right to have precedence in all things." While the number of professional women in Cuba grew throughout the first half of the twentieth century (lawyers, doctors, businesswomen, journalists, teachers, and musicians), the huge discrepancy between them and the average Cuban woman was not shrinking. The view of women as pura o putas existed, and equality was a long way away. According to Lois M. Smith and Alfred Padula, the long-term deficit of women in times of slavery played a significant role in the construction of sexual relations in Cuba (p 9). During slavery in Cuba, there were very few slave women, and white women only represented ten percent of the Cuban population.

I will compare the adaptation of both domestic and international legislation like penal codes and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women in both El Salvador and the Philippines. I will also briefly discuss Catholicism and its influence on the legislation being passed in both countries. Section two will also be comprised of a comparison of women’s advocacy groups in both El Salvador and the Philippines. I will demonstrate how these groups affect the discourse on reproductive rights and how they enforce changes, if any.

How has gender inequality affected women in Latin American countries? Gender inequality has affected the women of Latin America in a multitude of ways, but it can be argued that the division of gender equality is extremely prominent when analyzing reproductive rights and health care access. Compared to countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, Latin America is far behind in terms of civil rights and reproductive rights. The lack of rights is not in question; women’s barrier to reproductive health can be seen through anecdotes and statistics. The question thus becomes, is there a definite answer to why these rights are absent? Factors concerning the absence of reproductive rights include cultural norms and religion, but the one that plays the biggest role remains the lack of female political leaders in Latin American countries. What exactly is it that is keeping Latin America behind other countries in terms of being progressive regarding reproductive rights? Women’s political absence in Latin America has shaped reproductive rights and health care services immensely.

Often condemned as one of the primary societal problems of today, non-marital childbirth has been the subject of many sociologist’s explorations in an attempt to understand its rapid increase and growth in desirability. In their book Promises I Can Keep: Why Poor Women Put Motherhood Before Marriage, Kathryn Edin and Maria Kefalas delve into the underlying reasons for the increase in non-martial child bearing, especially among women in low-socioeconomic communities. Through their two-and-a-half-year study, in which they conducted by interviewing over one hundred single mothers living in Philadelphia and Camden, Edin and Kefalas strove to understand why poor, single women were purposefully getting pregnant. Nearly eight years after Promises

These strategies continue to undermine the choices that the Women of Color have in deciding whether or not they want to have children because they do not want to be stigmatized with poverty. Obviously, the adverse and psychological effects of the various interlocking forms of oppressions that limits Women of Color’s reproductive rights makes it very important to understand them.

Regarding females in the workplace, the common opinion across the American continent used to be that by working outside the home, women were abandoning their primary job in life—that of a mother and wife, taking care of the house and the family. In modern times, Latinas take on multiple roles; not only are they still expected to look put together and run the family and the household—for most Latinas in the US, without any outside help—, but many are also breadwinners, some by choice and others by default. The decision made by many Latinas to work has already changed society due to growing feelings of self-empowerment. This newly discovered power is reflected in the increased use of contraceptives by Latin American women. Despite the Roman Catholic teachings, Latinas have taken matters into their own hands by using birth control to decrease the size of their families and lessen their burden, thus allowing them to fulfill their multidimensional desires and duties.

abuses of power, especially in the fields of race and gender, would be seen in the same fields that Morris wished to provide information to in his book. Politicians in Puerto Rico would first attempt to civilize the indigenous people through progressive reforms, such as divorce (Findlay 110-3). Subsequently, when WWI came around, an attempt to eliminate prostitution was enacted in order to save male soldiers from getting sexual diseases (Findlay 167-8). Here one witnesses Morris’ political ideas in action, the idea that the people of these territories need some form of help or boost in order to become truly civilized (Morris 6). Returning to Puerto Rico, the infiltration of U.S. businessmen becomes quite evident. U.S. investors saw islands like Puerto Rico as places to sell their products, collect raw materials, and obtain cheap labor. Money made through such endeavors would not make it back to the Puerto Rico, as the lives of the people on the island grew harder (Shakow, “Puerto Rico”). Morris provides key economic information, stating that sugar was the leading product to obtain from such territories. With that said, Morris informs the reader that it would benefit the tropical islands to come under American economic rule, an idea that was proven horribly incorrect (Morris 5). Information such as that of Morris provides the tools for abuse from abroad that would leave damaging results on the people of these

Rivera 1Stacy RiveraEnglish 100A.S9 September 2017 Uber of birth control“Woman must have her freedom, the fundamental freedom of choosing whether or not she will be a mother and how many children she will have.” (Margaret Sanger) In today’s newera it’s become increasingly easy to get a hold of birth control. Birth control has become soaccessible that you can get it through your phone with apps like Nurx. With Nurx Women areable to get birth control with or without a prescription and health insurance. For some women it hard to get some time away from work or everyday responsibilities to head to the doctors and geta prescription. For some women without healthcare it makes it easy to get birth control for a low cost. The app was