Historical Document A and Recent Document A flow on the basis of the United States’ actions in Latin America. The primary document gives one a look into information that the United States could use to take advantage of the people of recently acquired tropical islands, such as Cuba and Puerto Rico. The newer document then informs the reader that in recent years Latin America has become more apprehensive towards U.S. intervention in the region. Historical Document A provides us with the power that the U.S. once had over regions in Latin America, while Recent Document A presents us with the outcome of such endeavors. Latin Americans have seen what the United States has done in the past, and do not wish to relive such abuse. Our Island Empire, …show more content…
abuses of power, especially in the fields of race and gender, would be seen in the same fields that Morris wished to provide information to in his book. Politicians in Puerto Rico would first attempt to civilize the indigenous people through progressive reforms, such as divorce (Findlay 110-3). Subsequently, when WWI came around, an attempt to eliminate prostitution was enacted in order to save male soldiers from getting sexual diseases (Findlay 167-8). Here one witnesses Morris’ political ideas in action, the idea that the people of these territories need some form of help or boost in order to become truly civilized (Morris 6). Returning to Puerto Rico, the infiltration of U.S. businessmen becomes quite evident. U.S. investors saw islands like Puerto Rico as places to sell their products, collect raw materials, and obtain cheap labor. Money made through such endeavors would not make it back to the Puerto Rico, as the lives of the people on the island grew harder (Shakow, “Puerto Rico”). Morris provides key economic information, stating that sugar was the leading product to obtain from such territories. With that said, Morris informs the reader that it would benefit the tropical islands to come under American economic rule, an idea that was proven horribly incorrect (Morris 5). Information such as that of Morris provides the tools for abuse from abroad that would leave damaging results on the people of these …show more content…
Yet, he uses the opinions of elite Latin American to represent all of Latin America. Instead of seeing what the common folk think about the United States, he listens to those of the upper class. These are the White elites that were present during U.S. power and are now unwilling to share that power. They had originally wanted the United States in places such as Cuba, but they have now seen the troubles that come along with that (Shakow, “Cuba II”). The key is to prevent further damage on the part of the United States in the hope that Latin America would be able to elevate itself (Shakow, “Cuban Revolution”). The worst possibility would be to fall under colonial or neocolonial rule once more. But, at least according to Luhnow, it does not appear that Latin America is prepared to make such a mistake ever
Time and history has shown us over and over again the power of words. Great leaders of the world obtain that magnetic pull with words that enable them to reach masses of people throughout the world. It’s all determined by how the speaker or the writer tries to convey his or her message and what they hope to achieve with their words. The Cuban writer, José Martí evidently establishes his political views through his written piece, “Our America”. Martí’s written work is manifested by his political choice of words and distinct approaches that speak to both his fellow Cubans and the higher nations of Spain and the United Sates throughout his essay. Martí saw this as an opportunity to demonstrate the effects of imperialism of other nations in Latin
American attitudes towards Latin America can be summed up as an extension of larger global directives, and the exclusion of foreign powers in the region. This was highlighted especially during the Cold War as US involvement was essentially in competition with the USSR. Latin America was therefore a mere pawn in the larger context of US-Soviet competition for global dominance. The actions and methods used are also characterized by the lack of an international authority, or an atmosphere of inter-state anarchy, which shaped their calculations in the endeavor to increase their influence over Latin America. When one analyzes the situation, it seems only rational that the United States treated its southern neighbors so, due to the geographical
After the missile crisis both nations abandoned Latin America, leaving it in taters. This created a resentment for the United States in Latin America(lecture 5/21)
Reproducing Empire examined how the U.S. colonized Puerto Rico and used the same practices of former colonial powers to conduct economics, social, and medical experiments on Puerto Rico’s population notably Puerto Rican women through a series of sterilization, population control, and contraceptive programs administered by the U.S. government and private corporations with the blessings of Puerto Rico’s bourgeoisie and political elite under the disguise of “development,” which laid the foundation for future U.S. globalization (imperialism) policies. A number of these experiments such as the 1972 Tuskegee syphilis experiment, birth control and sterilization programs were replicated in the mainland by the U.S. Public Health Service and state agencies.
The Vanguard of the Atlantic World by James Sanders seems to do little more than reiterate the concept that American republican modernity was debated by various countries located in Latin America in regards to their status as a united global political power. Not to say that these nations were united in terms of alliances, or treaties, but rather that some intellectuals adopted the concept of a “sisterhood” of republic democracies. The analysis of the political systems in Latin America after their independence from European nations is not where the disappointment lies, but rather the lack of context given to various components in his research that were supposed to show the transition of Latin America during its state of transformation from colonial territories to independent republican nations.
In Empire’s Workshop, Greg Grandin argues that the United States engineered a destructive domestic fusion of religious fundamentalism, hawkish neoconservatism, and nationalism - to justify it’s engagement in a jingoistic, self-serving foreign policy in Latin America. Furthermore, his work details the preemptive clash against perceived communist elements, and places the ideological disagreements regarding private-property, as the primary mover in US actions. By examining the Guatemalan coup of 1954, which Grandin describes as the Central Intelligence Agency’s “first full-scale covert operation” in Latin America, we can assess the prototypical reasoning behind US intervention. Moreover, the thorough assessment of the motivations of American
The effects of early United States colonialism on the economy of Puerto Rico shows how its hypocritical and possessive treatment of the island had an impact on the development of Puerto Rico. While the U.S. expanded trade and industry, it continued to exercise control over many aspects of the Puerto Rican economy, taking advantage of the Puerto Rican people and exploiting the
Galeano portrays this moment in Latin American history as the instant U.S investors took control over the industries. He details the dangers they went through when producing one item to export for the benefit of foreigners, and how they later imported the processed goods from those same foreign countries, injecting money only overseas. The fact that Latin America needed imports to survive initiated the imperial link the U.S has upon it. As stated by Galeano, “The growing dependence on foreign supplies produces the growing identification of the interest of U.S. capitalists operating in Latin America with U.S. national security”11, bluntly showing the relationship between the United States and Latin America. “With petroleum, as with coffee or meat, rich countries profit more from the work of consuming it than do poor countries from the work of producing it”12. Because profit was not being retained in the Latin American countries, nationalization of the industries became of importance. The United States offered intervention in order to protect everyone’s interests with the proposal of free trade, but this was no more than another manipulation to continue having power over Latin America and its resources: “Latin America’s big ports, through which the wealth of its soil and subsoil passed en route to distant centers of power, were being built as instruments of the conquest and domination of the countries to which they belonged, and as conduits
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the United States was the most dominant power in the Western Hemisphere. European nations conceded to the United States their right of any intervention in the Western Hemisphere and allowed the United States to do whatever they wanted. The United States took this newly bestowed power and abused it. The United States intervened in many Latin American countries and imposed their policies on to these countries against their will. A perfect example of this aggression is what occurred in the Dominican Republic in 1904. The United States intervened in this sovereign nation and took control of their economy and custom houses. A memorandum from Francis B. Loomis, the United States Assistant
US interventionism in Latin America started a long time ago with the Monroe Doctrine, in 1823. A policy which stated that any intervention by external power for example from Europe is the Americas is a hostile act against the US. In simpler words, America is for the Americas. From the 1900’s till the beginning of the Cold War, the United States started the military intervention mostly in the Caribbean and Central American regions. This has started a long history of the United States intervening on Latin America issues.
America must not be looking for monsters to slay in the world. I am worried that America might become an overbearing power to our Latin neighbors in the future with this precedence in Cuba. What about Hawaii and the Philippines? These island nations are not in the Western Hemisphere, and yet, we are looking into possible annexation. I am afraid that America’s insatiable thirst for territories
Puerto Rico’s early economic development under Spanish rule was characterized by the creation of settlements particularly in the interior of the island where the land was used for cattle rearing and farming. (Figueroa lecture Sept.'98) By the late 1550’s to early 1600’s the meager agricultural sector did not develop and therefore was not sustainable as there were not enough contact with international traders. (Scarano, 4) The sector was also stifled by the royal trade restriction that Spanish colonies could only trade with the mother land. Furthermore, most of the Crown’s attention was focused on the recently discovered gold and silver mines in Mexico and Peru. Puerto Rico at this stage became some what of a frontier society at the margins of the Spanish colonial empire. (Figueroa Sept.'98) While other Caribbean countries had experimented and had began to develop their mass sugar cultivation, Puerto Rico, for the most part, remained a racially mixed peasant society. (Scarano, 5) The influence of their neighboring islands was not far off, and the introduction of African slaves along with the development of the sugar industry literally changed the face of the Puerto Rican society.
When looking at the history between the United States and Latin America, you see many interactions between them, all that aided the relationship that they have today. Despite that the United States and Latin America are in the same part of the world, the beliefs in which they govern may differ. This difference has often been seen playing a major role in the disputes that have occurred in past. The United States and Latin America have faced many social, economical and governing barriers in forming a strong and positive relationship in the early twentieth century, this is due to the differences that the two had between cultures and the constant demand for power. However, the two countries have found ways to meet in the middle of their cultural differences, to form an equally fair relationship.
In 1959, Fidel Castro was still figuring out how to align Cuba, and what Cuba’s role in the world would be. By late fall of 1959, the Eisenhower administration felt that the US could never “do business with the Castro Government on a basis which could be termed even reasonably satisfactory.” Castro had already “indulged in anti-American propaganda, nationalized U.S. property, proclaimed Cuba's neutralism, and worked with Cuban Communists.” By March 1960, Eisenhower had approved of a plan for the overthrow of Castro. By May 1960, Cuba officially aligned itself with the Soviet Union, and received assistance from the USSR to resist the United States. The failed Bay of Pigs invasion occurred in April 1961, several months prior to Belgrade. A little over a year following the Belgrade Conference saw the Cuban Missile Crisis unfold. Cuba saw the USSR’s actions in this crisis as acting against Cuban interests, and Cuba began to deemphasize relations with the USSR and create closer ties with the NAM countries. While undeniably a controversial candidate for non-alignment, many of Cuba’s values were closer to the NAM’s basic principles. The Non-Aligned countries believed in strengthening their independence by pushing back on economic and political colonialism, and bridging the gulf between the wealthy and poorer nations of the planet. They were in full support of Cuba’s stance, even supporting Cuban frustration with the US base on
The United States has been a heavily involved in Latin American affairs for a long time, and there is great controversy surrounding how good of a neighbor we have been. As the “Colossus of the North”, this country holds enormous power. The question is; have we used our power for good or for evil? At times, we have been generous to Latin American countries. We returned the Panama Canal to the Panamanians and created free trade with Mexico through NAFTA. However, the negative impact we have had outweighs the good. Time after time, the United States has put dictators into Latin American countries out of the fear of growing communism. We have meddled, taken the situations of our neighbors into our own hands with force, and vilified them for situations like the drug trade dilemma that are partially at the fault of the United States. Due to the selfish overstepping upon Latin American governments, our discrimination and blame upon immigrants and foreigners as well as patronizing actions like the Cuban embargo and the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, the Colossus of the North has historically been a poor neighbor to Latin American countries.