How Did The Cuban Revolution Influence The Foco Theory Of Social Movement

Brittmarie Janson Perez, author of Political Facets of Salsa, writes, “Late at night, in a discotheque in a Latin American country whose political system is dominated by the military and is not particularly known for its respect for human rights, a crowd is dancing salsa, a generic term covering Caribbean dance music” (149). This has been and continues to be a very commonly accurate depiction of many Latin American countries. Since Cuba was founded in October 1492, its government and politics has been characterized by brutality, corruption and instability. Nonetheless, involvement from foreign nations and its deeply engrained Spanish roots has without a doubt had a significant impact on the transformation of what Cuba is today. In this paper, I will explore the pros and cons of the 1959 Cuban Revolution through the examination of the historical context of politics and how it impacted the social atmosphere.

Methods: This investigation will describe Che Guevara’s involvement in Latin American independence movements, focusing specifically on his involvement with Fidel Castro’s “26th of July” movement. His actions and words will be analyzed, and his conduct this period of political upheaval will be used as evidence in order to answer the investigative question.

Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated

After analysing all of the source’s mentioned above, it is evident that all three authors have very diverse perspectives on the Cuban Revolution. Whilst it may seem to Source A’s audience that the author (Alistair Cooke) is simply trying to inform the American public of Castro’s leadership after examination, it seems as though they are trying to brainwash readers into rebelling against Castro. Thus, the Source is considered anti- Castro. Comparatively, in Source B, Herbert L. Matthews reports on an exclusive interview with Castro’s best lieutenants, Major Che Guevara to present the audience an anecdote which portrays a strong sense of patriotism, pride and authority which are all factors that present the audience with Matthews pro- Castro perspective. Additionally, Source C’s perspective is also in Castro’s favour as the Source is secondary and means that the author could see the context of the situation without being restricted by any element of bias. Meaning that, he was able to see all the events that occurred after Castro took over

Selbin identifies the most important part of a social revolution is the transformation of the society that is broken up into two parts consolidation and institutionalization of a country (Selbin 13). Augusto Pinochet and Fidel Castro both tried to succeed in these aspects, but both had success in areas but also failures in others. Their rise to power, reign and their political ideology separated them on a fundamental level, but they did have some similarities.

The Independence of Latin America was complex, but surprisingly rapid, achieved through a number of characteristically different types of revolutions that liberated the Spanish and Portuguese colonies from the oppressive rule of the Iberian powers. Much of the desire for independence, or at the very least for social and political change, in Latin America was fueled by Enlightenment thought and political upheaval across the Atlantic and it was informed by the French Revolution, Napoleon’s rise to power in Europe, as well as the successful Haitian Revolution, much closer to home. In Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela the roads to independence were markedly different; however, each revolution was inspired by Enlightenment Philosophy’s ideas of freedom

In many ways, it is a new type of social movement all together. It is a manifestation of the two periods of revolution Latin America. Influenced by the Cuban Revolution and movements like it in the 1960s, as well as movements in modern times, the EZLN has blended the two to in many ways create their own unique movement. Perhaps because of all the changes that have occurred around the world in the period between the 1970s-1994, the EZLN does not neatly fit into any social movement theory paradigm. The movement’s own change over time has mean that it does not it fit into a social movement theory. As a result of existing for so long it saw changes in what its members wanted to accomplish. In the beginning it began as a classical Marxist movement which was very reflective of the ideals the Cuban Revolution inspired. As time went on this changed it became more in line with modern movements with its focus on

Around the world and across history, women are not the first thing one thinks of when we think of revolution. When thinking of revolution and the ensuing revolutionary wars one thinks of men with guns and other kinds of manly things. However, the reality is that across Latin America, most evidently in the Cuban Revolution, women played an essential role in the successes of such movements. It goes without saying that women were present in revolutions all across Latin America most notably in Nicaragua, Chile, and El Salvador. Cuba’s revolutionary heroines Celia Sanchez, Vilma Espin, and Haydee Santamaria among others made the role of women in this kind of revolution vibrant and exciting. Celia

A revolution is known as being an activity or movement designed to effect fundamental changes in the socioeconomic situation. Cuba during the decade of the 1950's experienced this type of rebellion in search for an enhanced and better-developed society, independent of all outside domination. Cuban citizens were at a point where they needed to be free and be able to enforce the constitution established in 1940, which included amendments stating that Cuba should be a "democratic republic…shall not conclude or ratify pacts or treaties that in any form limit or menace national sovereignty or the integrity of the territory," and such. I chose this topic because there has been so much controversy

Revolution represents reform that will create a brighter future for a Country. In Cuba, Fidel Castro led the Cuban people in a communist revolt against Fulegensio Batista authoritarian Government. The events that would follow the overthowal of Batista are often examined to demonstrate the success of the revolution. The successful defeat against Batista, along with the decreased involvement from the United States is often used to justify the success of the Cuban communist revolution. Although that is true, a successful communist revolution creates sustained economic and social changes to strengthen the overall well being of the country. According to these qualifications, Cuba’s inefficacious social and economic reforms that proved to be unsustainable caused the Cuban Revolution to be unsuccessful in achieving its goals.

A major part of the political rhetoric that was given by the leaders of the Cuban Revolution, and in particular Fidel Castro relate to a study of literature called post-colonial theory. To understand the political rhetoric used in Cuban Revolution, and some of the other Latin American revolutions in the first phase of revolutions in the 1960s, there has to be an understanding of the postcolonial idea. Postcolonial theories engage with historical experiences that involve changing power structures between countries (Walder 2). Most writers about post-colonial theory conceptualize the theory as meaning the period after independence (Ashcroft, Griffiths, Tiffin 1), However, one of the leading books on the theory, The Empire Writes Back, offers another definition.The authors of that book posit that the term postcolonial can “cover all the culture affected by the imperial process

“Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” Mao Zedong, the dictator of China during the Chinese revolution, stated. Mao Zedong and Fidel Castro were both very monumental believers in war tactics, especially guerilla warfare which is a tactic in which smaller, irregular armies or civilians use military tactics to go against a larger army.. The Cuban and Chinese revolutions consisted of blood, famine, abuse of power, and, on contrast, unity. Fidel Castro led the Cuban revolution as a substantial declaration of independence from dictatorship.

The aim of this paper is to provide a detailed synopsis of and response to Ferrer’s “Insurgent Cuba” and Mintz’s “Sugar and Society”, beginning by addressing the authors’ salient points and concluding by addressing questions which arise.

‘A struggle to the death between the future and the past’ a quote by Fidel Castro on the second anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, 5th of January 1961, a view similar to that of other revolutionary leads for example Napoleon Bonaparte who said ‘A revolution is an idea which has found its bayonets’. Both these quotes draw on the idea of violence being at the heart of a revolution, this however is only the opinion of two people. A revolution has not one definition as every revolution is different but there are certain characteristics, which underpin many revolutions, such as bottom up (start with people from the lower classes protesting), usually violent, sudden and dramatic and something which is historically significant in its outcomes. In this essay, I am going to look in further detail at the aptness of the quote by Fidel Castro in terms of defining a revolution from the case of the Mexican Revolution, and parts of the Cuban Revolution.

(Guevara, 13). In the face of a popular revolution spearheaded by Fidel Castro’s 26th of July