This essay “We are Dancing in the Club, Not on the Berlin Wall” by Damani James Partridge, explores the fetishization of Black males in Germany after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Partridge examines the phenomenon of ‘White’ German women desiring Black men through the settings of nightclubs in Berlin. She justifies this phenomenon to be the result of the rejection of Germany’s racist history through her acknowledgement of “the realities of patriarchy, Nazi genocide and German guilt, “African American” military occupation, and the success of “African American” popular culture have led to a situation in which “white” German women openly desire black men.” (Partridge, 680) Though they were once regarded to be like a “forbidden fruit,” the end of WWII allowed women to openly and actively pursue them. (Partridge, 664) However, this new relationship between ‘White’ German women and Black men, was not just a unilateral beneficiary. One used the other for sexual desire, while …show more content…
Selby, we are introduced to the struggles between secularism and culture. Selby explores the effects of French secularism on the freedom of religion of Muslim women by examining the relationship between gender, race, and freedom. The idea of feminine sexuality in relation to freedom has resulted in the decision by France and Canada to consider women wearing the hijab and niqab in public to be “unacceptable.” While Western ideas of female sexuality are described in one way, the veils and covering of Muslim women designate the beliefs of their culture. Selby challenges the argument made by the French politicians to be racist and sexist excuses. This article was very insightful as Selby eloquently brings attention to the reality that female sexuality is defined differently across the world, so we should be more open-minded and respectful of other cultures and their
Since the dawn of early civilisation and subsequent traditional gender roles, one of the most prominent issues with which society struggles is gender inequality. The Book of Negroes illustrates Aminata’s worries as she is provided only one option: to entertain men with her body. “...I wondered how I would earn enough for food, clothes and repairs for my shelter. ‘What?’ Sam said. ‘You think rebels don’t have brothels? As long as there are fighting men, there will be work for girls like Rosetta - and work for you as well.’” (Hill 312) British soldiers and American rebels both sexualised the bodies of black women to the point of encouraging the prostitution of young girls. In a similar context, a 2008 study conducted by researchers from Wesleyan
The Muslim headscarf, or Hijab has been a matter of ongoing debate and controversy in the secular state that is France. Secularism does not exist in a vacuum in France it builds upon ‘complicated emotional inheritance, specifically the negotiation between the religious and state secularism which appears to continually lead to an image of hostility being constructed for Islam, despite the promotion of universality that is allegedly key to the French Republic. This essay discusses the Hijab in France in regard to Jeffrey Stout’s ‘The Folly of Secularism’ and is structured in three main parts. It looks at how Secularism is intensely debated and contested, the way in which event intellectual, political, social shifts are changing through analysing firstly the controversy itself, then laïcité. Secondly, through looking to different aspects of French secular society; law, media and education. and thirdly, as per Stouts framework, discusses how the topic takes us to the heart of the most pressing issues of today, Gender politics, French state personality/nationhood and the Islamophobia that is a result of all of these things.The headscarf affair was generated by multiple social anxieties, namely the preservation of laïcité. The headscarf Controversy in France illuminates the politics of secularity in the way that it reaches across all social and political aspects of secular society in France. Overall, this essay will argue that the politics of secularity are indistinguishable from
Neil MacDonald’s article on the issue with Canadian politics is filled with the richest form of sarcasm that pinpoints exactly how juvenile this topic truly is. In my article that I choose, MacDonald takes a look at the issue of the nigab and other Muslim related topics and how the current Canadian politics is strategically creating an invisible barrier between Muslims and Canadians. I will first start off with a brief summary of the article followed by how Edward Said and Jasmine Zine discuss what is currently happening with the niqab.
Abayas, shailas, burkas, and chadors: all are forms of veiling in the Middle East, and all are perceived as symbols of oppression and patriarchy by the West. The veil worn by a Middle Eastern woman is striking and beautiful in its simplicity and elegance. The hijab, the most common form of veiling, leaves only the face visible with the neck and hair completely covered. Onlookers are in awe at the mystery and symbolism associated with the many veils created out of fine, exotic silk. But such notions of oppression and patriarchy often associated with veiling are not only inherently biased and ironic – it would be interesting to explore the symbolism behind a mini-skirt or a pair of five-inch heels, no? – but they are also inaccurate. Although veiling has most definitely been used in the Middle East as a “mechanism in the service of patriarchy, a means of regulating and controlling women’s lives” (Hoodfar, 5), it has also been used as a mode for rebellion and self-expression. Marjane Satrapi, an Iranian woman who grew up during the Islamic revolution, resisted the regime and the universalizing nature of the veil in the hope that she could maintain her individual identity whilst communicating her political ideologies. By examining the way in which the veil is represented in Satrapi’s graphic memoir, Persepolis, while also considering the history of veiling in Iran, it will become evident that the veil is not just a political tool used by male chauvinists; it also presents an
Women, as Pateman describes in the “Fraternal Social Contract” are seen as “vessels” for men to exercise their “procreative power”(48). However white women, are the only suitable women in which men can continue and preserve the racial bloodline with. This racial structure allows women to gain status over black women and be worth the protection from white men. The blackness of a black women excludes her from this protection and status and she therefore can only be seen in terms of sexual objectivity since she has no value in forwarding the race. Pateman notes that “Nonwhite women were not ‘protected’ so, outside of marriage, white men demanded sexual access, coerced if necessary to black women” (143).
Until now, black women are still viewed lower than any other women with other color. Fortunately, nowadays men over dominating women with their sexuality is counted as rape and is followed with consequences. It could be seen that just by holding slavery was not powerful enough to take full control of black men and women. They indeed used sexuality to hurt their dignity and identity and lowered them in the society. Slavery changed the definitions of factors that make up society: sexuality, race, and gender (Peiss, 78).
111). However, the author also mentions that rape resistance focused on sexual danger, instead of sexual expression (p. 111). Another strength and weakness of this evidence is that African American blues singers who produced music in the 1920s portrayed sexually explicit lyrics, however were still labelled immoral (Simmons, 2015, p. 112). Finally, social historians found that black working-class women who were living in New York City throughout the early twentieth century had both open straight and gay relationships (Simmons, 2015, p. 112). However, African American women’s relationships in terms of exploration and pleasure were tainted by community moral disapproval, ignorance, and danger (Simmons, 2015, p.
The purpose of this paper is to highlight social and legal constructions of both Muslim femininities and masculinities in regards to race, gender, and the Canadian law. This essay will also explore the cultural challenges Muslims face in Canadian society and why there is still a big part of prejudice involved against them as well as examining cultural racism. Men and women are equal in humanity according to Islam; Islam doesn’t teach men to oppress his female counterpart. Women are not oppressed by ordaining to Islamic laws or by embracing the hijab. The culture of the colonizers use the ‘us and them’ or ‘other’ dichotomy as a way to oppress a social group and to grab their identity away. Muslim men have different identities then the one portrayed in the press. The identities of Muslim masculinity and femininity are wrongly shown in the press as an aberrant peoples
The idea of hegemony is said to apply when people who are influential use their influence in efforts to convince the less influential people in the society that it is in their good will to follow what is the most powerful people's best interest (Denison, Kvisto and McClenon 289). The changes in Marxist views towards religion can be developed from the idea of distinguishing between the oppressive role of established religions and the emancipator possibilities of religious movements. Therefore, the Muslim faith, in this case, can be viewed as a religion aimed at freeing the women and bringing them closer to their empowerment (Denison, Kvisto and McClenon 289). However, there is the influence of the media regarding wearing of hijabs by the Muslim women; with the media spreading the view that wearing the same is a sign of oppression rather than a symbol of freedom and that it is associated with terrorist groups (Blakeman 3). While the mainstream media might connect the phenomenon of wearing the hijab to oppression, research suggests that most Muslim women in North America view the veil as a symbol of freedom and
One of the main disputes in the battle of Islamic women’s rights is the conflict over dress. According to a popular Islamic leader and Egyptian television personality, the sight of women is so alluring that it can be “intolerably distracting to men” and can “even
The banning of the burqa has become an issue in many places, including France. The French Parliament has decided it is time to ban the burqa in public. They believe is a sign of the subjugation and submission of women to males. Some believe it is used to cover up abuse and they also believe it is unfair to the public that citizens cannot see the women’s faces. However it is unfair for these women to be banned from wearing what they choose as just everyone else does.The banning of the burqa should not be allowed because it is discriminatory towards Muslim women and violates their freedom of religion and their freedom to express themselves.
Chapter one and two explore both the sides of the veiling discourse considering the veil as oppressive in the western milieu and emancipatory in the Indian context, pitting them against each other. Chapter one finds that modesty is subjectively and contextually constructed in Quran and is therefore contingent on one‟s personal exegesis of the text. It perceives veiling as a time-bound, redundant leftover of the Sasanian Empire, imposed in the name of Islam, with the religion completely innocent of it. Meanwhile Chapter two analyses the impact of modernity in the Indian Muslim context and the role of the veil in suppressing and furthering female sexuality. Upon closer probing it becomes clear that veiling is neither inherently oppressive nor
The anticipated law, whose purpose is to ban the use of the burqa and veil, finally took place in France. The ban started within school, and expanded into a restriction within the entire country. France drew international attention, questions, and opinions on the justification of this new law. Even though France’s main response to their justification of the ban is to preserve the French culture, the law also positively addresses other problems such as: religious freedom, public safety, and women’s rights.
An individual’s identity can differ depending on several different physical and biological factors including sexuality, gender, age and class. Throughout Ruby Tabassum’s article entitled Listening to the Voices of Hijab, identity is related to gender in a number of ways. I have decided to discuss this specific article because the idea of how femininity is portrayed is a significant aspect of Canadian culture nowadays. I am also interested in focusing on how the identities of Muslim women are recognized in society and how individuals interpret the meaning behind wearing the hijab. Throughout this article, I have distinguished several different reasons for wearing
Whites’ study of slavery and the experience of women show a marked contrast between the restricted femininity of white women and the sexual exploitation and perception of black women. White women were expected to be controlled and preserve their modesty and virtue, but black women were exposed and blamed for the sexual advances and exploits of their white masters. White sums of this contrast best: