The purpose of this paper is to analyze to main questions. The first part of the paper will define transnational feminism and identify key factors within a transnational perspective. Another part will be discussing some transnational feminist critiques of mainstream “white/Western” feminism and will also give ideas that a transnational feminist would suggest in order to make positive changes for women. The second part of the paper will choose two concepts to define, as well as discuss how they relate to one another from a transnational perspective. In addition, the relation of how they related to gender or affect the political, social, and/or economic status of women in the world will be analyzed.
Based on the readings from this semester, we have learned about different types of feminism. When examining transnational feminism, the general definition transnational feminism is the movement for the social, political, and economic quality of women across national boundaries. A transnational approach underscores the powerful opportunities associated with the development of new forms of international alliances for the emancipation of women worldwide. Transnational feminism also addresses the challenges to unity that can arise from economic globalization, neocolonialism, and racism. Even though the definition of transnational feminism involves feminism across borders, it entails recognition of different context and priorities. A key component of transnational feminism is that it
Arthur Miller’s play, The Crucible portrays the historical events of the Salem Witch trials. Insanity and fear drive these Puritans to reveal their true colors while facing their accusers in the prejudice courts. Of all the madness in Salem, two women stand out above the rest. Although they both create suspense and tension in the play the difference between the two is also evident. Hatred and revenge live in the heart of the teenage adulteress Abigail Williams while truth and kindness resides in the soul of Elizabeth Proctor faithful wife of John Proctor.
The main arguments of Mohanty, Liederman, and Sen have similarities and differences. First, Mohanty’s main argument emphasizes the issue of white Western women belittling those of other cultures and ethnicities within the feminist movement. By asserting a universal notion of womanhood, these white Western women show ethnocentric universality through their ignorance of how the meaning of femininity, oppression, and liberation in the women’s movement vary in ethnic and cultural contexts (Mohanty, 1984, p. 335). By using a mindset that ignores ethnic differences, they therefore falsely construct and analyze “third world women,” believing that these women desperately need help to advance in society. Mohanty argues that in order for a feminist movement to advance, women must discontinue a paternalistic method of marginalizing women of different ethnicities to recognize the varied meanings of femininity, oppression, and liberation and enhance their solidarity and effectiveness as a whole group. This ethnocentrism is also present in Liederman’s
The call for feminism marks the beginning of an extensive journey with the quest to inspire women and to advocate women right in a male governed the world. Gloria Anzaldúa and Maxine Kingston both scrutinize feminism in the framework of “Borderland: La Frontera: The New Mestiza” and “The Women Warrior” encouraging women to occupy a strong position in the post-colonial male led civilization. The author both traces the journey of women struggle to achieve rewarding role within the structure shaped by men. The alliance of different voice from disregarded women gestures a strong theme that inspires Maxine Hong Kingston and Gloria Anzaldua to write enthusiastically within the feminist topic to dispute the patriarchal society.
Within every human being, there is an underlying motive that puts them on the hunt for greatness, power, and achievement- all to fulfill their ideal self-image, which in turn grants them eternal happiness. This same motive is notorious for corrupting the mind’s of those who will stop at nothing to satisfy their thirst for power, consuming them from the inside and ready to take control of their minds, leading them to their own destruction. This is known as ambition; a parasite that can either build up or shatter a person completely. In Shakespeare’s Macbeth, ambition is one of the major themes in which the story revolves around as it follows the character Macbeth through his journey to fulfill his prophecy gaven to him by the three witches; he is to become the Thane of Glamis, Thane of Cawdor, and most importantly, the King of Scotland. With him is his companion and fellow general of the Scottish army, Banquo, who is also given a prophecy, in which he is to become a father to many kings, however not become one himself. Where the two characters’ roads diverge, however, is in their reaction to the information received. Macbeth steers onto an aggressive path, while Banquo remains passive. This is evident through their differences in skepticism, loyalty, and patience, where their particular degree of ambition is tested. The following series of paragraphs will illustrate the differing characters of Macbeth
Marilyn Frye has universal definition of oppression as being “a system of interrelated barriers and forces which reduce, immobilize, and mold people who belong to a certain group and effect their subordination to another group” (7). Feminists are working to dismantle the restrictive powers to create equivalent opportunities for all people. On paper, it seems black and white because everyone is working together towards the same goal of equality. On the ground, the divisions of gray can be seen between the vast variety of methods and opinion. As the tension builds, there are two main camps formed: The Western feminist and the Non-Western feminist. (While I personally object to this terminology because of its Eurocentrism, I have yet to find alternatives that encompass the same meaning so it will have to stay standing as imperialist as it is.) Both sets of activists have different roles within these current predicaments facing the unjust treatment of women. Western feminists find themselves in a stalemate of passing critical judgement on another culture or standing aside and letting the injustice continue. Non-Western feminists are working against the oppression in their society as well as the overreaching Western feminists before they can make their voices heard. Therefore, my argument is that Western feminism needs be revised into becoming the megaphone for Non-Western feminist issues. That way ideas from people on the ground are not disregarded and those on the outside who
Inequality between the sexes is evident. Throughout history, many events took place with the aim to expand women’s rights. These events, as well as the ideologies involving inequality, create the feminist movements. In retrospect, many rights have been granted for women since the rise of the notion of gender imbalance. However—many issues involving the advocacy for women’s rights and the thinking behind it still exist today.
According to the United Nations, a full 2/3rd of the world’s illiterate population are female. A person’s level of education is a great determining factor for his or her success in life both socially and economically. This startling number is just one example that demonstrates basic gender inequalities exist and are still very relevant in today’s society. So with this and other examples in mind, it would be easy to believe that those who identify themselves as “feminist” would have the same vision regarding gender equality and how best to achieve it. If this is true, then it could be said that feminist all over the world would belong to a single “global sisterhood.” For a global sisterhood to exist, the members of the sisterhood must have a foundation of shared experience and rely on this in to determine the goals and methods of the movement. However in reviewing several primary and secondary sources, a person can see that simply being female, or having empathy for the female cause, is just not enough. I believe that these sources show that the basic foundational differences with respect to race, economics, culture, and the passage of time, are the cause of the major disagreements between feminists. This is what makes it nearly impossible for a feminist global sisterhood to exist.
In Transnational Cycles of Gendered Vulnerability: Theory of Global Gender, Alison Jaggar argues that across the globe, women are entrapped in cycles of poverty, abuse, and disenfranchisement of multiple varieties. Part of her argument emphasizes women 's lack of education, which contributes to their inability to find work, escape abusive relationships etc. While I agree that women worldwide are continuous victims of vicious patriarchal oppression and subjection, and that said despotism should be viewed as a universal injustice, Jaggar’s particular view of the role of education, race, socioeconomic status and sexuality is fallacious. Her criticism of Susan Moller Okin’s theory of gendered vulnerability relies heavily on her perceived privilege of the “traditional woman” in the United States that Okin was describing; White, upper class, and heterosexual. In doing this, Jaggar subsequently downplays the education levels and accomplishments of minority women, portraying their setbacks as correlated to race, or class, instead of gender. Additionally, she dismisses the subjective plights of white, straight, rich women, implying that they are not included in the realm of oppression and subjection to patriarchy because of the advantages they have in other spheres. This leads to a cycle that discredits and stigmatizes most women. I will be arguing that even though privilege in other spheres appears to transpire into an advantage in the sexual sphere, to use this as the basis of a
Feminism and feminist social theory unlike other theoretical perspectives is woman-centered and inter-disciplinary, hence promotes methods of achieving social justice. The feminism and feminist social theory takes into consideration three questions, what of the women? Why is the present social world as it is today? Additionally, how can the social world be changed to make it more just for the women and all people alike? In recent developments, feminist theorists have begun questioning the differences between women. The areas under question include race, ethnicity, class, age intersect, and gender. In summation, the feminist theory involves the concern with giving women world over voice, and highlighting how they have contributed to the
Through this course we seek to understand the role sexuality plays within the discourse of globalization. By doing so we must understand the constructions, establishments, and regulation within cultures brought forth through globalization. When examining both the local and the global of these eight pieces, we can argue that society is unable to accept change, or anything that fits the preconceived notions of heterosexuality. Within these articles we analyze different regions and see the unwillingness to accept gender justice in societies, understand the public and private dimensions of feminism rights and collective vs, individual human rights, what impacts transnational and neoliberal governance, and analyze gender politics and economic rights.
The goal of this paper is to describe and analyze gender inequality, focusing on the history of feminist ideas. I will start with a basic overview of the entire feminist movement, and will then analyze feminism more specifically. In this analysis I will focus on the different types of feminism. Most notably of these types will be the main groups that consist of socialist feminists, liberal feminists, and radical feminists. I will describe the goals and ideals of these groups along with describing how a functionalist and conflict theorist looks at gender.
Marianne Marchand’s article ‘Challenging Globalisation: Towards a Feminist Understanding of Resistance’ was published in a 2003 edition of the Review of International Studies. It represents one of the first attempts within International Relations to elaborate a gendered politics of resistance in relation to Globalisation. For the most part, it offers sound and sophisticated analysis that is conceptually accessible, however, this review will point to some areas where the analysis is somewhat weaker than desired. Marchand’s analysis incorporates real world examples of resistance to globalisation. The paper will also seek to analyse whether the conceptual provisions made within the article are adequate to achieve her stated aims, and indeed if her conceptual apparatus is sound enough to be considered valid.
The idea of “Feminism” is seen in the eyes of many as “women who want to be more masculine” whenever its true meaning is just women who want equality and the same respect and opportunities that men have. This belief has been built up over time through many different perspectives which is why it had turned into the negative idea of what it is. This idea of “Feminism” affected the social hierarchy and system where people were categorized based upon their sex and the social impact it made created and resolved multiple social issues. The idea of “Feminism” impacted the interactions between men and women and the morals of society and through this created power in women as well introduce a long needed new peace amongst the sexes.
The first assumption argues that “western” feminist discourses emphasize that all women are bound together by a shared oppression and are powerless (53-54). Mohanty systemically explores this theory through an in depth analysis of five categories in which women of the third world are traditionally presented as homogenous victims by “western” feminist. The first two categories, women as victims of male violence and women as universal dependents, arguably offer the most straightforward deconstruction of the gendered body of knowledge that is power. Women, especially women of the third world, are all seen as victims of male violence and control (54). All women are defined as powerless, and all men are defined as powerful (55). Similarly, all women are defined as powerless dependents in the second category. Mohanty argues, “this is because descriptive gender differences are transformed into the divisions between men and women” (55). This division possesses a privileged position as the explanation for the oppression of women (56). Therefore, women are seen as a powerless group no matter what the historical or cultural situation because they are deemed so prior to any analysis (56).
It was a Saturday morning kind of the typical Saturday for a 13 year old boy in the late 90’s. Early morning cartoons and no school, but I was on a football team called the Pasadena Ponies, Junior pee wee was the division I was in, and today was game day. I wasn’t a starter at the position I played, but this day I was in luck I was starting. I had no clue what was in store for me, but at the end of this day I felt good about myself.