The Young and the Realigning: A Test of the Socialization

Liz Marlantes beliefs of political parties is more accurate due to her reasoning which can also be observed by watching current government actions and government aliments. One of the first things that points out is ideological segregation. “Inside Red- and –Blue America” she points out that over recent years that American has become more one sided when voting. Straight ticket voting by American votes has risen, either Democrats or Republicans are chosen. Even those that claim independent from parties choose Democrats or Republicans. On today’s larger geographic even states tend to lean one way or the other. This tendency to lean towards whatever fit your values has divided the nation into only two schools of thought. Given how people chooses

The Survey Research Center of the University of Michigan noted self-proclaimed independents made up 19% of voters in 1958, to just below 40% for the past decade. Dealignment also results from divisive, sometimes nonpartisan societal issues. After the election of 1968, there was widespread debate over race relations and the Vietnam War that eventually lessened democratic control; yet, the number of independents grew more than the number of republicans in the 1970s and 80s. Population growth is also an explanation for this trend; when communities were tight-knit, it was important to have a partisan affiliation in order to be accepted and contributing in the community. With a larger and more distant population, people consider partisan affiliation a threat to individuality, and choose to vote for the best politician, not the party. Another reason for the dealignment of political parties is the rise of interest groups that are better equipped to take positions on specific and divisive policy issues than are political

127). This point is the first of emphasized three that seems worthy of its own chapter. While still maintaining that Americans are not polarized, Fiorina et al. give concessions to the opposition, recognizing their own speculation (p. 133). In addition to this, the authors included an appendix immediately after the chapter to clarify their charts. Although slightly different, this is reminiscent of the early chapters. The authors have rediscovered their confidence that had faltered in the two previous arguments. No longer relying on misrepresentations to paint a prettier picture, the authors instead trust in themselves enough to admit supposition and then defend it. Before getting into that, the authors begin by explaining that many scholars have identified a correlation between religion and voter identification (p. 128). What Fiorina et al. argue is that specific religions are not an indicator of specific political identification. Instead, they claim that it is the commitment of an individual to their religion, regardless of denomination, is the determining factor. This important distinction provides the authors with a base on which to build their

Alex Theodoridis gave us small statistics here in there about his studies, voting patters, and how parties react to things their own people do. Theodoridis heavily used slides to show how “true” republican

Amidst the past eight years of lackluster economic advancement, America’s prowess and respect declining worldwide, increasing government involvement in daily lives, and a President seemingly unwilling to take a solid stance on a the global threat of terrorism, the transfer of power between political parties in the White House is not so stunning. Due to the two-party system, this is not an unprecedented phenomenon. The American people are constantly seeking a political party to garner their attention and adapt to changing times, opinions, demographics, and attitudes (Cohen) and this results in the alternation of power between the two key political parties.

The Republicans are more moderate and cautious. The Republicans attract business corporations, the wealthy, Christian groups who want social change, sportsman, gun owners, and many other conservative groups. Republicans support free markets, business interest over rank and file workers, and they believe in harsher punishments for criminals. The Republicans are in opposition to abortion, same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and the HHS mandate. This would make it easier for Catholics to support Republicans more than Democrats. But the Republicans also have false economic teachings that place the power of government in the hands of, what Dwight Eisenhower called, “the military industrial complex,” which is corporatism. Corporatism is the control of the state organization by large interest groups. Having this interest makes it difficult to fully support the Republican Party, but not as difficult as the Democratic Party. With the Republican party being opposed to abortion, same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and the HHS mandate, Catholics, in this modern era, have been moving their support to the Republican Party as opposed to the Democratic Party. Many Catholics, who don’t want to choose a specific party, are calling themselves part of the Independent party. An independent person is defined as a voter who votes for candidates and issues rather than on the basis of a political ideology or partisanship or a voter who does

In Table 4, we are shown how the respondents, both aschematic and schematic, view Wallace and his political party after reviewing the information within his profile and the questions they were asked about his stance of various issues. Though some of the individuals surveyed, read in his profile that he was a Democrat and some that he was a Republican, the range of issues and positions, go back and forth, crossing party lines. Because of this information, regardless of whether or not the respondents were told his political affiliation, the most logical choice when asked his about Wallace’s perceived ideology should have been “Moderate”. This is the most logical response, as many of the questions that asked about his political views did not explicitly

With regard to the Christian Democrat experience in twentieth century Continental Europe, integration of Christian Democrats into the political system lead to their moderation. The emergence of a Catholic political identity as an essential part of the moderate democratic center was neither automatic nor usual. Rather, it was an outcome contingent on conflicts between a variety of actors where democratization and mass politics was coming to maturation. Initially, the Church was hesitant about responding to sponsor Catholic political parties because the existence of separate parties would undermine the unchallenged state of the Church. However, under the influence of conservatism and modern democratic ideas, Catholic activists and the success

Religion entered the campaign in 1960 as 1928 and it 's importance can not be underestimated. Kennedy and Nixon have a different religion. Many citizens voted for their religion rather than their politics. In the article, author shows us that some protestant democrats supported Nixon for religious reasons. As a catholic, Kennedy didn`t in a dominant position. However, Kennedy had disposed of the religious issue. On September 12, Kennedy agreed to appear before the Ministerial Association of Houston, Texas, to present his views

What remains stable and what is open to change over a lifetime is somewhat ambiguous. Sears and Funk (1999) illustrate that over time, party identification and left-right ideology remain consistent. From the age of 30 onward to around what they deem “retirement age” there is some noticeable change in both identification and ideology, but it is overshadowed by the overwhelming presence of consistency. This time begins after the impressionable years, so this stability isn’t exactly surprising.

The two most popular political affiliations chosen by the respondents were Democratic and Republican at 37.32% and 23.69%, respectively. Considering the University is known to be liberal, having an almost equal number of Democrats and Republicans is surprising. Also surprising is that 67.73% of those surveyed identified as Christian; the second most popular choice was “Prefer not to say” at only 10.08%. Only 6.76% identified as Atheists and slightly over 5% considered themselves to be Agnostic. Considering these statistics and the fact that most students at the University believe in both reproductive and gay rights, along with the common knowledge that ideological and religious institutions often have their own sets of beliefs and viewpoints that many of their followers adhere to, it is hard to determine their influences on respondents’ views on social issues unless analyzed in the lenses of political affiliation and

Imagine you have traveled to a distant country on vacation. Imagine you are an American eager to experience Rwanda. Everything from the green rolling landscape of hills, the franc, the mixture of English, French, and Kinyarwanda spoken on the streets, and the staggering poverty disorient and question some of the most ingrained values in you. This disorientation has the potential of becoming a transformative experience if one pushes aside preconceived notions of the encounter. Of course, you don’t have to travel to foreign countries to have a transformative experience, you only have to visit any of your local social institutions. Sociologists have pegged the term resocialization to mean the “tearing down and rebuilding [of] an individual’s role and socially constructed sense of self” (Crossman). Examples of resocialization can be found in institutions one would expect, like the military, but also in situations considered to be built on the preservation and enhancement of a person’s selfhood, like places of learning. Its effects are varied, depending on whether the reconstruction is manipulated to promote positive, negative, or neutral connotations of perceived institutions, values, or people.

In the foreword of “The Best American Infographics 2016,” Gareth Cook mentions an infographic entitled “How the Parties Came Apart.” About it, he says, “Look, for example at “How the Parties Came Apart,” and how it uses red and blue for the parties, and then a gray that only catches when there are many connections across the partisan divide (mostly in the early years). And consider all the extraneous details that have been omitted. The story is strong.”

Socialization is the process by which culture is learned; also called enculturation. During socialization individuals internalize a culture's social controls, along with values and norms about right and wrong. Socialization is a complex process that involves many individuals, groups, and social institutions.

The most important behavioral contribution to political science were election studies. In 1955 American political scientist V.O. Key, Jr. (1908–63), identified that American voters shifted their party affiliation from one political party to another, giving rise to the dominance of the Republican Party from 1860 to 1932 and of the Democratic Party after 1932. In The American Voter (1960), Angus Campbell, Philip Converse, William Miller, and Donald Stokes used the results of studies by the SRC to develop the concept of party identification. They argued that the long-recognized influences of religion, social class, region, and ethnicity contributed to voting