George Kennan, compared to other writers which have been discussed in this class takes a different approach to the Cold War through the lens of American foreign policy following World War Two in his article, “After the Cold War: American Foreign Policy in the 1970s.” Kennan, unlike Leffler, Schlesinger, and Brzezinski, believes that the battle between the two nations over hegemony is beyond comparison to the dangers which threaten all of humanity. The threats Kennan provides are environmental, the unstable nature of the United Nations, and nuclear weapons. He provides a critical analysis of American foreign policy following WWII, and where the U.S. should go leading into the future. Kennan writes about the Cold War less as a historical …show more content…
Leffler would agree that the initiative taken by U.S. expansionism in order to allow for more far reaching use of the bomb startled the international community. The difference between Leffler and Kennan is that Kennan justifies the aggressive policies of the U.S. in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, whereas Leffler is much more uncertain about the decision personally. Both men attribute U.S. intervention in Europe and Eurasia to the fear of the spread of communism. However, in regards to the U.S. inciting enough fear in the Soviet Union to have caused the Cold War I cannot say because Kennan does not address the issue. After establishing the mindset which led to the policies used during the Cold War, Kennan moves to a critical analysis of U.S. foreign policy following WWII and where U.S. commitments should remain or retract. He once again brings back one of the major concerns of policy makers following WWII, how does the U.S. fill the power vacuum left behind in Japan and Germany before the Soviets gain a foot hold? To Kennan, this commitment has deteriorated drastically since 1949, even claiming that the power gap has been filled due to Soviet failure. He uses the Soviet’s failure during the Berlin Blockade in 1949 as a clear indicator of their incompetence to hold those strategic locations. While Kennan does claim that the Soviet Union was not a threat to American interests in Eastern Europe, he notes that
Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up” (Document C). This quote set the precedent for containment and gives understanding as to why America reverted from its original policy of isolationism into an alternate strategy of preventing the spread of communist expansion. Moreover, George E. Kennan’s Long Telegram, or Document D, sketched “the roots of Soviet policy” and contained “warning of serious difficulties with the Soviet Union in the years ahead”. Kennan’s telegram portrayed the Soviets as aggressive and intent on world domination, suggesting that they would only respond to force and not
“I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” This declaration, made by former President Harry S. Truman on March 12, 1947, is part of the Truman Doctrine, and was the basis for U.S. involvement in Western Europe throughout the Cold War. Although the North Atlantic Treaty, and the resulting North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was established during the Cold War “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down,” NATO has persisted since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990. This essay will seek to examine the U.S. decision to create and participate in NATO. It will begin by providing a history of NATO and the U.S. decision to participate in NATO before considering how this decision is both an instance of continuity and change in U.S. foreign policy since former President George Washington’s Farewell Address. The essay will conclude by considering the legacy of this decision and its impact on U.S. foreign policy. While this essay will consider the period of time leading up to the formation of NATO and will briefly touch on the present day, greatest consideration will be paid to the time period immediately preceding and following the formation of NATO in 1949.
Even though the United States emerged as a clear victor of World War I, many Americans after the war felt that their involvement in the conflict had been a mistake (Markus Schoof, “The American Experience During World War II,” slide 3). This belief, however, did not deter the country from engaging in many other international affairs in the future, most importantly the WWII and the Cold War. Right from the Manifest Destiny, which led to expand its empire at home and abroad, to the World War I, the country had come a long way from being somewhat a lonely-land to a global superpower of the 20th century. Its influence in the international arena grew unprecedently after its commitment to the World War II, and like they say, the rest is history. If the WWII was a resounding success to the American legacy, what followed, the Cold War, put many implications on the American diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and to the world. Although the rising Fascism in Europe and the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor drove the U.S. to enter the WWII, historians over the years have laid equal blames on both nations for starting the Cold War. These two events helped in shaping up many domestic and foreign policies for the U.S.
George Kennan's containment plan is a radical shift in the U.S foreign policy when the Policy of the United States towards the Soviet Union prior, and during the World War II is considered. The containment policy marks the shift of American foreign policy towards the Soviets from alliance to deterrence. Kennan's states in the Long Telegram, "USSR still lives in antagonistic "capitalist encirclement" with which in the long run there can be no permanent peaceful coexistence." (Citation needed) only two years after the end of World War II, a war both the U.S and the Soviet Union fought side by side for a common ambition. If the aspect of radical shift in the U.S foreign policy is seen from a post-Cold War perspective, another radical change can
This article written by George Kennedy is essentially a review of the United States Government's views on the Soviet situation. It introduces the idea of a policy of containment which ultimately was going to be the way America would battle the Cold War with the Soviet Union.
The role of America at the end of World War II was where the origins of policing the world originate. America had been engaged in a very costly war in terms of dollars as well as lives. But, despite the expense the United States came out of World War II better than any other nation that was involved. The Second World War was a battle between the Allied and Axis Powers. The Allied Powers consisted of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, China, and France. This war was seen as the fight against Nazi Germany, and therefore resulted in a majority of the battles fought on German and Russian soil. The aftermath left the Soviet Union in bad shape. Close to twenty million Russians
When one can truly understand and uncover the meaning behind these articles and how they fit into one or more of the ‘boxes’ we call paradigms and perspectives. In order to dissect and analyze the case of the Cold War, especially its origins, one must not only skim through the text and uncover main ideas, but also must also relate the readings to these paradigms and establish one’s own ideals and opinions regarding the study of international relations. Personally, I believe the articles associated with the origins of the Cold War along with Professor Katzenstein’s lecture on the topic provide strong arguments for the use of a ‘middle fish’ perspective and a ‘big fish’ paradigm: domestic politics and realism, respectively. Through George Kennan’s personal accounts, experience and analysis at both the time of the Cold War’s inception and forty-plus years later after the fall of the Soviet Union, a point is made regarding the nature of Soviet expansion as an offensive maneuver, which he believed must be contained by a defensive strategy. This point of conflicting strategies by the U.S. and (especially) the Soviet Union provides the reader with a realist argument and perspective. Also, in his second piece, which details remarks made to the Council on Foreign Relations in 1994, Kennan explains that instead of whole-heartedly adopting
With this book, a major element of American history was analyzed. The Cold War is rampant with American foreign policy and influential in shaping the modern world. Strategies of Containment outlines American policy from the end of World War II until present day. Gaddis outlines the policies of presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, including policies influenced by others such as George Kennan, John Dulles, and Henry Kissinger. The author, John Lewis Gaddis has written many books on the Cold War and is an avid researcher in the field. Some of his other works include: The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947, The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War, We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War
In John Gaddis’s 2005 book, ‘The Cold War, a New History’,3 Gaddis identifies that from the 1930’s, the Soviet Union and the Western allies were already at ‘war’ with each other ideologically and geopolitically, if not military. Thus it was the ending of the military campaign against Hitler’s Nazi Germany, which had previously unified these opposing ideologies, that triggered the onset of the Cold War. Gaddis theorises that the USA could not continue to serve as a model for the rest of the world after the War had ended, while remaining apart from the rest of the world. American practices of isolationism had become untenable as a result of the War and previously suppressed feelings of anxiety by the USA over Soviet expansion and the spread
Elizabeth Edwards Spalding, argues that Truman’s principles, expectations, decision, and policies not only gave rise to and defined containments content, but also shaped America’s understanding of the Cold War and as a result of this fundamental role, it is right to say that Harry S. Truman was the first cold war warrior. Truman’s containment strategy also provided the grounds for a new liberal internationalism. For Truman, international meant that American leadership was central as his ideas and policies stemmed from a multifaceted definition of peace, composed of freedom, justice, and order.
Winston Churchill indignantly bolstered the American public with a phrase that would be remembered for many years to come: “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.” This line was what Americans labeled as the start of containment, the start of a new era, especially that of the war on communism later entitled the “Cold War.” However, it was not just this flimsy line that buttressed the supporters of democracy; the true motivator of containment was rather the “Long Telegram,” an eight-thousand-word telegram sent by American ambassador to the Soviet Union, George F. Kennan, to the White House. Albeit inspirational, the “Iron Curtain” speech failed miserably to do the one thing that the “Long Telegram” did: set the policy of containment in place with a purely American ideology. With this telegram, the United States started its trek dedicated to remaining the second world power of the time by reducing the Soviet Union’s power as to not constitute a constant communist threat, changing the rules of international conduct so the Soviet Union would not dominate the globe, and eventually fostering a world environment in which an American system could survive and flourish.
There has never been a direct war between the United States and the Soviet Union. That’s how the Cold War got its name. On June 25, 1950 the first military action of the Cold War started. It was the between two states in Korea, the North and South, this war is also known as the Korean War. Although the war was called the Korean War, it was actually between the United States’ and the Soviet Union’s controversies in their way of govern. The United States supported South Korea because they were Nationalist and the Soviet supported North Korea, who were Communist. Earlier in China, there was an identical disagreement about the governmental system between the United States and the Soviet Union. Harry S. Truman, the 33rd President of the United States,
In The Sources of Soviet Conduct, George F. Kennan explained “Containment was the central post-war concept of the United States and its allies in dealing with the Soviet Union”. To contain communism, the United Stated strategy was to have a strong
The term “Cold War” refers to the second half of the 20th century, usually from the end of the World War II until 1990, when the Soviet Union collapsed. Since the 1940s and 1950s the scholars have disagreed on the topic of the origins of the Cold War. There are several groups of historians and their interpretations are very different, sometimes even contradictory. The three main schools are the orthodox, the revisionist and the realist. The classification is not completely accurate because we can find several differences in theories of scholars within the same group and often the authors reevaluated their ideas over time.
When one U.S. historian wrote, “the Cold War was undoubtedly the most significant factor shaping the American experience during the second half of the twentieth century”, they were likely referring to the Cold War’s colossal influence on American economics, military buildup, and social climate. The Cold War’s effect on these three topics resulted in a back and forth between the United States and its citizens, leaving the nation completely different than it had been at the midpoint of the century. In addition, the Cold War’s widespread effects were heightened by the fact that it also happened to span decades, officially ending in nineteen ninety-one.