The Big Man And Chiefdom Societies In New Guinea

The book Masters of Small Worlds by Stephanie McCurry concentrates on one very specific time and place in history. The time is pre-Civil War and the place is the Low Country in southern South Carolina. This area is particularly interesting because of the interaction between the planters and the yeomen in the area. The author explores the similarities and differences between these two distinct social classes. The author also brings gender relations into the equation. Her overall idea, as the title implies, is that the men of this era and this part of the country demanded control of each and every aspect of life. For every institution, there is a set hierarchy. This book is very well

Historical studies indicate that the New Guinea was one of the hottest countries, insect infested, and occupied by aggressive people. The Imbonggu community is one of the integral parts of the community. William E. Wormsley drew a special insight into the lives of these people after spending several years with them. In his fascinating book, the author uses an incisive, yet articulate, voice to describe the culture, social structure as well as bride wealth, religion, and magic among these people (Wormsley, 1993). During that period, New Guinea was specially known as a man-eating zone. The local people were reputed as cannibals, nasty and aggressive people. Therefore, as the anthropologist of his time, Wormsley was destined to critically analyze the group on their view of the white man. A study that released results that still struck the world with shock (Wormsley, 1993).

This ensured people stayed modest and humble and never got ahead of themselves. An example of the value of equality being demonstrated lies in the principle that the owner of the arrow that killed an animal had the right to distribute meat from animal, and not the hunter himself who actually did the hard work. Another example would be the system of the unequal gift exchange: when one gifted something to someone, and in reciprocation received something, it might not necessarily be equivalent in value. Richard Lee, a famous anthropologist was told that the practice was aimed at leveling wealth, not accumulating it, which in turn had an important repercussion of establishing social relations. In stark contrast the Chumash made a glaring show of their individual prosperity and their inequality in economic and social status by publicly displaying their wealth as exemplified in their burials, clothing, houses, and the adornments on their heads and collars. They additionally leaned towards private accumulation rather than sharing and equality.

Hierarchy and Authority (pg 17): In Europe, kings and princes owned vast tracts of land, men only saw high class and low class no in between. The man was the head of the house hold, his power was encouraging by the Christian Church.

The, “Sorrow of the Lonely and the Burning of the Dancers”, is a ethnography written by anthropologist Edward Schieffelin, derived from his fieldwork with the Kaluli people of Papua New Guinea. The main focus of the book of the book is how many of the fundamental notions that are implicit in Kaluli culture are found in the Gisaro ceremony, which Schieffelin uses as, “a lens through which to view some of the fundamental issues of Kaluli life and society” (p1).

Although one often blames the existence of hierarchy on factors such as discrimination and outside pressure, the essential cause of hierarchy is actually human’s competitive nature. Instead of wanting to share fair

The step-by-step process of the potlatch was initiated by the “congregation of people who were formally invited to witness a demonstration of family prerogative of a host group comprised of kin or local residences” (Barnett 349). It was then stipulated that “only one person assumed the role of host and donor of gifts, and any members of his localized kinship group could voluntarily support him in the preparations of a potlatch in return for patronage favors” (Barnett 350). Following this stipulation “there was an unequal distribution of gifts which were presented according to rank of the receiver, and which reflected the donor's judgment of the recipient's social worth” (Barnett 354). Next the “potlatch allowed the donor to make a claim in his family name to certain distinctions and privileges. The recognition of these claims must come from the other members of society" (Barnett357); to which Barnett highlights “was the ultimate goal of the potlatch” (Barnett 357). Lastly, “although the gifts did provoke a reciprocal response, they should be viewed as true gifts and not as loans or capital investments; the ultimate aim was the distribution of wealth and not the accumulation of wealth”

There have been many debates based on the sacred sites of Native Indians. Many Americans believe that they have a right to those places for recreation and commercialization. The historical preservation of Indian Sacred Sites in Indiana, especially that of the Potawatomi Tribe (Bodewadmi Culture), have come under disputes that led to legal clashes over the management of these sites. Those who debated brought up concerns based on federally owned land, religious freedom, and influences on historical injustice. The National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA), addresses these issues that surround historic tribal preservation. This impact provides a way for the Potawatomi to consult federal and state divisions on their rights towards historical

The article, Life without Chiefs by Marvin Harris, is an informative essay describing in great detail the history and evolution on human society and the class system that goes alone with it. In the beginning, all people lived in nomadic bands and worked together to survive. With a looming fear of starvation, these foragers would share everything they caught or found knowing that one day when they were less fortunate in their hunt someone will return the favor and share with them. Everyone was the chief when they could provide for the others. Eventually one hunter would gain the skill by working harder than all the others to be the best hunter and become the head of their society. Life for our ancestors became a competition for who could provide for as many people as possible; Whoever could supply the most food was the leader until someone took their place. Because of this the head had to have more food stored and with this surplus of food, came lots of power. This power lead to the heads becoming wicked since everyone was determined to take the place of said leader.

When studied, early complex civilizations naturally settled in groups and developed social hierarchies. Whatever the emerging culture, there must of course be a leader. Whether it is a warrior protecting the group from warring neighbors, forcing his way to the head of the pack, or a wise and eloquent father figure, gently guiding and imparting knowledge to his subjects, in order for a society to function there must be a leader for the people to follow. Jared Diamond claimed that the emergence of social elites and eventually kings were dependent on the establishment or sedentary cultures, according to him, “only in farming populations could a healthy, non-producing elite set itself above the disease-ridden masses?”. (Diamond, 1987)

In examining the relationship between those who hold power and those who have status, when one holds power but doesn’t have the status to go with it, there is often negative behavior that follows. “Across

In many societies, the elites or aristocrats are given the chance to have a more luxurious life than everyone else. They are handed more political, economic and social power. Specifically in the Indian, Byzantine and Aztec empires, elites were allowed to have almost complete control over the people of the land. They are allowed to make, break and enforce rules to their discretion. The aristocrats were given respect, land, food, and care far superior to anyone else in the region.

Gift giving is essential to the studies of many anthropological debates such as sociability, alienation, sacrifice, religion and kinship.

Gift giving, particularly during the holidays, is regular facet of our daily lives. Whether or not all gifts carry the obligation of reciprocity is characterized by the gift’s cultural context. The Gift: The Form and the Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies, (1925) Marcel Mauss’ ethnographic book, presents the necessity of reciprocation through analysing the gift giving practices of the Maori and the Kwakiutl. Jonathan Parry revisits Mauss’ theory in his essay, “The Gift, the Indian Gift and the ‘Indian Gift’,” (1986) addressing its connection as well as contradiction to the Hindu law of gift giving. Ultimately, Mauss and Parry propose differing perspectives on the obligation to reciprocate when given a gift. Their opposing conclusions

t some point during our lives we haven given a gift. Whenever it be a grand gesture, or merely something to say thank you. There is no denying the recipients enjoy great pleasure when receiving the gift. Gift giving is an important part of our lives, we have manifested holidays or specific days designed as excuses to fork out hard earn money for mostly inoperable items such as deep fryers or ties. Scholars believe that as an activity, gift-giving plays as highly important role in the economic surplus and the consumer goods industry of countries around the world and deserves to be understood (Cheal 1998). There have been countless studies into the workings of society that are related to the moral economy and the boundaries between economics