Pros And Cons Of The Devolution Of Power In Northern Region

Opposing the belief that a dominating leader is running Canada, Barker brings up several key realities of the Canadian government. He gives examples of several “… instances of other ministers taking action that reveal the limits prime-ministerial power,” (Barker 178). Barker conveys the fact that Canada is not bound by a dictatorial government, “…it seems that the prime minister cannot really control his individual ministers. At times, they will pursue agendas that are inconsistent with the prime minister’s actions,” (Barker 181). Both inside and outside government are a part of Canada and they can remind the prime minister that “…politics is a game of survival for all players,” (Barker 188). Barker refutes the misinterpretation of the Canadian government by acknowledging that a prime-ministerial government existing in Canada is an overstatement.

As a fellow delegate of the province of Ontario, I believe that the predicament of having only the government and its associates of having their voices heard upon, leads to an unrepresentative perspective view towards various events that occurred within the process of confederation. The numerous misheard voices of various ethnic and religious background, and even gender wise in confederation predominantly affects our government as a whole. A significant amount of bias is present, without the multitudinous perspectives of those’ points of view, creating significantly narrow perspectives for various situations. This matter is eminently crucial towards the province of Ontario, and most importantly, towards the dominion of Canada. They have their rights to have their say in the agreements and/or elections of various events, as they too, are formal citizens of this profound nation, whom is expanding and developing their population over periods of time

These ‘White Papers’ focused on the social and economic problems that were rampant within the First Nation communities and was considered to be humane because of the fact that Native peoples were integrated within mainstream society [pp.6]. These problems were ‘highlighted’ through the result of various studies conducted by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development from 1966 to 1969 and became the basis of the ‘White Paper’. Although the paper was ultimately defeated, these beliefs were brought into mainstream society and became a more idolized form of modernizing the Aboriginal peoples. This form of ‘helping’ the First Nations peoples was the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development [D.I.A.N.D] way of dissolving the First Nations reservations. These institutionalized ideologies were masked as social and economic reforms that addressed the First Nation communities [pp.5-6]. Such reforms include the state of welfare on First Nation communities, re-educating the youth, and the identification of a First Nations person according to the government, which also includes the apology that Prime Minister Harper spoke on June 11th, 2008. These ideals have become the driving force behind the United Nation’s ‘Universal Declaration of Indigenous Rights’. This declaration has yet to be signed by Canada for a variety of reasons, one of them being that it is in direct violation of Article 25, which is a right to social services and health

Changing how large governmental structures function is neither an easy task nor a quick one; it will require the undoing and unlearning of a very tightly held political and economic system by all parties involved. At the center of Spade’s call for

Second, Canada’s First Nations’ plight can be improved through self-governance. According to Pocklington, “For several years, Canadian aboriginal leaders have been demanding the recognition of a right of Native self-determination and thereby, for the aboriginal collectivities that choose it a right of self-government” (102). Aboriginal self-governance is a controversial issue in Canada. Before researching the issue I believed that self-governance would deter national unity, after further investigation, I presently believe that the claim for Aboriginal self-governance is justifiable. Although, according to Blakeney, “It will be a real challenge to make effective

Townshend describes how Aboriginals view the Canadian government as a foreign government. Furthermore, Townshend disputes the process of assimilation, integrating Aboriginals to the modern Canadian society. The solution is to create a third tier government that would work in cohesion with the Federal and Provincial levels. Different levels of government and the “…sharing of jurisdictional powers between government institutions is already part of the essence of the Canadian state,” (Townshend 39). If Canada is able to increase globalization and trade agreements on an international level, than Canada should not be so unwilling to share jurisdiction with an Aboriginal government.

The Canadian government says that it is dedicated to making its obligations to First Nations by discussing issues and bringing closure to all claims. Canada likes to underlie that by looking at the historic inequality and building strong partnerships among First Nations people; governments, and the private sector are emerging. Nevertheless, the current progress of First Nations Land Claims is very unhurried and seems to be deliberately painstaking.

Aboriginal self-government is a long standing issue that continues to be a struggle for the First Nations People. To truly understand the scope of Aboriginal self-government within First Nations communities, more effort is needed to understand the legislative system that runs Canada. This issue of self-governance has been very destructive in First Nations communities. After signing the Treaties, First Nations People was stripped of their livelihood and from that point on to abide by the Dominion of Canadas legislative policies. One current issue that would be a perfect example is the Nisga People in British Columbia who is no longer under the protection of the

As a child develops into an adult there are critical developmental steps that are necessary for a complete and successful transition. The physical transition is the most obvious change, but underneath the thick skin and amongst the complex systems, exists another layer of transitions. Ideas, rationales, ideologies and beliefs all dwell within this layer of each being. It could be said that a nation can also fit this transitional framework. A nation grows in both size (wealth, population, power), and in ideological maturity (emancipation of slaves, civil rights, women’s rights…etc). This constant evolution of ideas and size is the foundation of a successful government. Without change and

Section 35 of the 1982 Constitution Act of Canada, recognizes the existing rights of aboriginal people but leaves them undefined. This had led to further debate on the status of Aboriginal rights, and their inherent right to self-government (Henderson, 2006). The following year, the Penner Committee on Indian Self-Government gave recommendations that “First Nations’ right to self-government be explicitly stated in the Constitution, and the federal government recognize a distinct First Nations order of government and work towards implementing self-government” (Hurley, 2009, 1). This report was created by Special Committee of the House of Commons which promoted the creation of legislation to advance aboriginal Indian-government (this report focused solely on Indian self-government, instead of the self-government for all Aboriginal people). This report led to elevating the conversation

Throughout history, First Nations rights and privileges has been a highly controversial subject in Canada, and remains a debatable topic in society, even in the present-day. Whether it has been the controversies surrounding the missing and murdered Indigenous women or the funding of First Nation’s education, concrete results have yet to be achieved. Consequently, the above forces have delayed the restorative process for the First Nations People. That said, the Canadian Government, whether it is the Conservatives or the Liberals, have attempted to take an active approach to aid the Aboriginal community in their healing process. While the Conservative government failed to address the concerns of the First Nations community such as launching a public inquiry for the missing and murdered Indigenous women and raising funds to increase the literacy rate within the Aboriginal community, the Liberal government has acted in accordance with the above requests from the First Nations community. Although the Liberal government has agreed to provide proper funding to further Indigenous education and to launch a public inquiry for missing and murdered Indigenous women, the federal government has failed to acknowledge that to achieve a sense of reconciliation, the First Nations community requires complete self-government.

Aboriginal groups in Canada have been inhabitants of these lands long before any other arrived. Yet, these groups have been and are still disadvantaged in the political sphere, continuing to be severely underrepresented in Canadian governmental institutions. The Government of Canada needs to implement governmental arrangements that will meet the unique needs of Aboriginal groups, with responsiveness to their particular political, historical, and social circumstances (Indigenous Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2010). With section 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982, the definition of the Aboriginal inherent right of self-government has become a focus among advocates and members of Aboriginal society, as the constitution recognizes existing

From the first contact between Aboriginal Peoples and European immigrants to the present day, the aim of Canadian government policy has been to assimilate the Indigenous Peoples of Canada. The attempted forced abandonment of their culture was perpetrated through a variety of strategies including force, aggression and legalities. While historians and politicians may disagree about the motivations of Canadian policy, the impact has been irrefutable. In efforts to create one unified nation, successive governments failed to recognize their destructive actions. In this failure, Canada has come close to shattering the sub-nations and peoples who comprise them. This paper will review the government’s effort to absorb the Indigenous peoples’ culture, their refusal to assimilate, and will also identify potential strategies for future relations.

Even when it happens slowly, there is a need for experimentation, testing, adjusting, and replicating successful experiments in other contexts. Decentralization should not be considered as a process, but a way of life and a state of mind based on the principles of freedom respect and participation. Above all it is trusting and recognizing that people are capable of managing their affairs the need to close the gaps and differences between all levels of governance through interaction and sharing decentralization as consisting of interlocking rings of responsibilities from the center to the community. Decentralization should not be imposed, but that people should be imposed, but that people should be exposed to it, thereby honoring their intelligence and respecting their independence.

The origin of Devolution can be traced to Donald Campbell Dewar (21 August 1937 – 11 October 2000). He is generally referred to as the ‘architect of Devolution’ as well as the ‘advocate for Scottish devolution’. And as such, he was elected Scotland’s first First minister in the 1999 election. As