Muller's Varying Political Uses Of Populism

After the civil war, especially during the late 1800s, the US industrial economy has been thriving and booming which reflected on the numerous improvements that occurred in transportation through new railroad, in new markets for new invented goods and in the increased farm yield. However, most of this wealth has been captured by the capitalists, they looked down on the working poor class and expected them to submit to them. Also, they had control over the government seeking to maintain a system of monopoly to allow them to grow richer from others. Thus, they were controlling both political and economic conditions of the country.

In the article “Not by Math Alone” published by the Washington Post, Sandra Day O’Connor and Roy Romer, uses rhetorical strategies such as appealing to logic and credible figures, through the help of factual evidence and reputable leaders, in which it supports the author’s concern of the youth not being well educated about their country’s government. The evidence used in the article aids in gaining the reader’s trust and helps accentuate on the need for more political and economic participation from the youth. As it states in the article, in the national civic assessment in 1998, “two-thirds of 12th –graders scored below proficient” and “only 9 percent” of the students could actually explain how they can positively affect their democracy. Although, in our modern societies, many of the adolescence are very nationalistic and loyal to their country, they still lack knowledge of what is really going on in our world and, because of this they are usually isolated from the events and issues that the U.S is facing.

While the Populists failed to win national office or displace either or both of the major parties, they significantly affected the American political and administrative systems. A large number of the Populist requests, which came across as radical and compelling in the 1890s, shortly afterwards. By 1920 we elected U. S. senators directly, a federal income tax was in operation, railroad regullations significantly, protective tariffs had been lowered, short-term credit had been made available in rural areas, etc. While the Populists were unable to enact their platform during their existence, they prepared the way for these adjustments to an advanced, more complicated American society.

For example, Abramowitz uses the Converse study to show that education was a strong predictor of ideological sophistication. This is important to note, because as Abramowitz mentions on page 35, from 1956-2004 the percentage of respondents that took place in the ANES survey with only a grade school education went from 37% all the way down to 3%. Furthermore, participants with at least some college experience went from 19% to 61%. Using this information, Abramowitz directly refutes Fiorina’s claim that little has changed in the American public since the 1950’s. Fiorina believes that even 21st Century Americans are still not very well informed about politics, along with not holding views very strongly and are not ideological. This is at odds with Abramowitz’s view. Abramowitz concedes that among the politically disengaged, Fiorina’s argument does make some sense, however, when referring to the politically engaged his argument does not hold up. It is important to remember too, as Abramowitz points out, the politically engaged is not just some small fringe group, they are actually a substantial group of the American

In the late 1800’s, America’s farmers faced deep financial insecurity with the fall of agricultural prices that kept them in poverty. Many farmers borrowed money from merchants and banks, and when it came time to repay their loans, they found themselves in the face of losing their land. Their financial troubles mainly attributed to the high freight rates that railroads charged the farmers in order to transport their crops, as well as high interest rates charged by loaners. This financial turmoil lead to the development of the Farmers’ Alliance, which advocated for lower interest rate loans by the Federal Government itself, so that way the farmers didn’t have to depend on independent banks and merchants for financial assistance. The Farmers’ Alliance eventually gained traction in politics and eventually formed itself into the People’s Party, or otherwise known as the Populist Party.

This shows that the perspective of the reluctant new voters represent that when given the power to vote, many are uneducated in what to look for when deciding what to vote for. In fact, the more education one has, the more they choose to vote. Compulsory voting would force teenagers who know they still have more to learn on the subject to make quick decisions. “You might as well urge the unpracticed to use power tools or Rollerblade” (Doc G).

The Populist Party, also known as the people’s party, was a third party political option in the primary election for president during the late 18th century. It played a major role as a left-wing force in American politics. The party mainly drew its support from angry farmers in the South and West and operated on the left-wing of American politics. Even though the party only lasted seventeen years, it was ultimately a success because most the things that they were recommending were adopted.

After the Grant Administration Scandal and the intimidation of Political Machines like Tammany Hall, Americans in the 1890s were fed up with the traditional Republican and Democratic parties. The people were ready for change, and from this dissatisfaction, the Populist Party was born. The Populist Party, also call the “People’s Party,” sought to transform the federal government in favor of public interest. The Populist Party helped to bring about change that Americans wanted, and the efforts of this party are still noticeable in today’s government.

“President Trump, premier Wilders, it’s time to get used to these words” (Bregman, 2016). With these words Bregman expresses his concerns about the overwhelming success of populist politicians worldwide. Disapproval of establishment, fed by a strong dislike of the nihilistic style of governance relying on economic growth as the cure-for-all-ills, is fuelling populism movements. Non-populistic parties seem to have no answer to the rising cynicism of the people, and populists are using this to push often empty agendas of xenophobia. What can explain this rise of populism, and how can politicians counter the rise of populist parties without

It is my estimation that the social climate is indicative of the chance for success of a populist politician, and through comparatively analysing the three epochs against one another, contextual similarities and differences can be utilised to account for

The populist movement began in the 1880’s with the beginnings of the farmers’ alliances which were small political parties the represented as the name implies, farmers. These parties wanted to improve the conditions for farmers similarly to how the factory workers wanted improved conditions. To achieve this the farmers’ alliances were mainly focused on crop prices and credit facilities. Although they had some success in small scale elections, they never had any effect on the national level. In 1892 many of the farmers’ alliances formed together to create the Populist Party or the people’s party which dissolved many of the former alliances. The new Populist Party was still largely focused on farmers and their needs, the

To say of this noteworthy volume of articles that the total is more prominent than the parts is not to defame the parts. The book reevaluates the foundational strain in American governmental issues between responsibilities to racial pecking order and liberal populism. An attention on how this strain showed in the lives of three presidents noted for their enunciation of racially widespread standards, combined with the near point of view managed by setting these three inside a solitary edge, produces knowledge into the part of race in American political history decisively by building up an all the more fine-grained judgment on its significance for Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and Woodrow Wilson themselves. Jefferson rises as the most tormented of the three. As Annette Gordon-Reed

The final defining feature of populism Barr highlights is what he describes as “linkages between citizens and politicians.” (34) Barr defines linkages as the means by which political actors and the people exchange support and influence. Types of linkages are separated into four distinct categories: clientelistic, directive, participative, and electoral. However, when seeking to define a leader as populist or not, one should look towards the electoral linkage as that can be a defining aspect of true populism. Additionally, the article describes an extremely vertical type of electoral linkage, which is a clear marker of populism: plebiscitarianism. Plebiscitarianism is an electoral linkage which, does not give the people substantial input in

“On the one hand, turnout among 16- and 17-year-olds was about 10 percentage points below overall turnout. On the other hand, 16- and 17-year-olds were more likely to vote than those aged 18 to 34. The same trend is evident elsewhere too. In Austria – the only European state with votes at 16 for national elections – this age bracket votes less than the entire population but more than the subsequent bracket.” (Alan Renwick and Barney McCay 2015). Politics as a standalone subject would encourage more participation as the combination of lessons about policy, media and up-to-date current affairs would personally relate to the individuals such as parents being fined for truancy, free school meals etc.

Michel Crozier argues that despite the many issues surrounding the governability of European democracies (Crozier, 1973, 39), the crisis of democracy in Europe arises on a more basic level from our understanding of “the relationship of institutional values to behavior”- a relationship that has defined European government and societies for centuries (Crozier, 1973, 40). Devoid of rapid economic and technological change, people were able to define goals according to their preferences. Generally, this meant that the “technical knowledge of societies” could provide them with the means to create certain political goals. (Crozier, 1973, 40) Despite this fact, Crozier emphasizes that a since the