B.China’s government- how Japan changed theirs to be similar Bureaucracy Government official were chosen by how qualified they were and by whether or not they did well on the examination Prince Shotoku created a new style of government by using Confucian Ideas and making ranks for government officials. Seventeen Article Constitution Taika Reforms to strengthen the government
The Han created State Confucianism, a system that combined Confucianism with Legalistic government organization. Through using this system, the Han could use many Qin government structures, such as dividing the government into three sections: a censorate, civilian authority, and military authority. They also borrowed the use of a grand council, which headed the centralized government and consisted of representatives from each of the three government divisions. The Han borrowed the use of a local government, which controlled the empire’s individual districts and provinces. Lastly, the Han used the Qin practice of choosing talented people to serve in government. They accomplished this through the civil service
Prince Shotoku was an important person during the major development of medieval Japan. He was very interested in Chinese and Korean arts, literature, music and various other intellectual achievements. Prince Shotoku also embraced new Chinese ideas of government. He made a collection of ranks for government administrators and bureaucrats, by taking Confucian ideas. In 604, he announced a new series of principles which were called the Seventeen Article Constitution. In this he declared that the emperor was the nation’s foremost leader. By the 700’s, Japan’s government was very similar to China’s, with a powerful, concentrated and reinforced by a substantial bureaucracy. Prince Shotoku attempted to make a government with officials chosen for their
“The Party: The Secret World Of China’s Communist Rulers,” by Richard McGregor is a book which provides detailed insight into the Communist Party of China, revealing many of the secret underpinnings of how the party is run, and explores the question of how they have continued to stay in power for so long. While other strong socialist powers, such as the Soviet Union and Eastern Germany, fell at the end of the 20th century, the CPC was able to stay in control and ultimately come out of that period even stronger. In McGregor’s own words “the party picked itself up off the ground, reconstituted its armor and reinforced its flank. Somehow, it has outlasted, outsmarted, outperformed, or simply outlawed its critics, flummoxing the pundits who have predicted its demise at numerous junctures.” Instead of letting its own ideologies weaken its power, the CPC has continually adapted and transformed its policies and goals in order to maintain their stronghold over the nation. Through his impressive list of Chinese scholars and political contacts, McGregor is able to lay out the fundamental workings inside the Chinese government and the impressive actions they’ve taken to remain such a powerful organization.
The first political system in Chinese History, Three Departments and Six Ministries, was established. Royal power was enhanced. Jiupin Zhong Zheng Hierarchical system was replaced by the Imperial Examination System. It connected studying, taking exams, and attaining an official position. It also had profound influence on the talent in Chinese history.
In viewing China’s political background, as well as the current state of affairs, it is reasonable to predict that China will eventually become a democracy.
What this meant was that Buddhism became intertwined with everyday government as well as Confucian values. During the Nara period, a single clan, inspired by the Chinese Tang Dynasty, claimed “imperial authority and introduced a series of reforms designed to centralize Japanese politics” (Bentley and Ziegler 300). These reforms included modeling the imperial court after the Tang dynasty with a Chinese style bureaucracy, diving land equally among the people and providing support for Confucianism and Buddhism (Bentley and Ziegler 300). Prince Shotoku, perhaps the most well-known emperor of early Japanese history, studied Chinese philosophy and became very well versed in Confucianism and Buddhism. He later used that knowledge to write the Seventeen-Article Constitution where he outlined 17 specific laws or principles applied by him to a nation-wide behavior (Shotoku’s Seventeen-Article Constitution-Jushichijo Kenpo 271).
Transitioning into the classical era, an extremely important ruler in regard to diffusion of Chinese culture into Japanese society was Prince Shotoku, who ruled as regent from 593 to 622. Shotoku sought to transform Japan from a loose-knit society of Ujis, into that of a centralized state based on Chinese governmental institutions. Shotoku ordered that all history was to be recorded – much like the Chinese did – to aid in the legitimacy of the throne. The most significant contribution of Chinese assimilation of Shotoku can be seen in his drafting of the, “Seventeen Article Constitution.” The constitution infused elements of Buddhism, and Confucianism which William Beasley makes clear when he describes, “It begins with a quotation from the Confucian Analects, asserting that 'harmony is to be valued.' It then enjoins reverence for 'the three treasures': that is, the Buddha, the Buddhist Law and the Buddhist priesthood.” (Beasley, 22).
Between the seventh and eighth century, the Yamato court recognised the need to form a centralised state. Looking at the system of governance in China, the Japanese decided to adopt Confucian political and ethical thought into Japanese society. The main figure who promulgated this was Prince Shōtoku (573-621) who wrote the Seventeen-Article Constitution in 604 framing his vision for a centralised state based on Confucian political and ethical thoughts (Hall, 1970; Collcutt, 1991; Hane, 1991; Eisenstadt, 1997; Mason and Caiger, 1997; Piggott, 1997; Takayama, 1998; Beasley, 1999; Varley 2000; Totman, 2005; Paramore, 2016). Under the guidance of Prince Shōtoku’s vision, the Japanese created the ritsuryō system, which was a political system combining
A country’s regimes are imposed to protect the country’s interest, but these protections will create unavoidable conflict-of-interest where businesses are conducted. Likewise, the super power China and the United States, the perpetual political changes create a direct implication to the day-to-day business activities and the type business investment plan to enter the country. Hence, conflict-of-interests are commonly tensions between the different in political ideologies, social issues, historical and culture background. As these interests are the catalysts to the type of regimes that the country will impose; moreover, these regimes will favour the different types of industries.
The media has often referred to Bo’s case as the most important case in Chinese history since the Gang of Four case. In fact, there are various points of similarities between the two cases in terms of their political importance. For instance, both cases related to political functionaries who had fallen from grace, and tested the legal system’s ability to secure a fair trial. Indeed, according to Jerome A Cohen, the criminal justice system is perhaps the most telling indication of a government’s adherence to human rights standards.
While a well-educated society is calling for social reforms and more liberties, the Chinese Communist Party is crushing every protest. Chinese prosecutors in a southern city indicted activist Liu Yuandong for leading free-speech demonstration outside a newspaper office in January that were sparked by a censorship dispute.[38] Liu Yuandong called for freedom of speech and wanted a more liberal and open government. There have been many cases just like this. The crackdown on public assembly underscores how nervous the Communist Party remains regarding an organized action, even a small protest. The Party believes in the domino theory, if one group gains a following, then a revolution can occur. While America and European countries have called
China plans to build 20 airports a year until 2020, and they still have over 20 to go. They also plan to build about 10,000 airplanes in a decade too, they are most likely doing this to catch up to the US in military. Chinese economics and politics are important because they produce quite a lot of stuff for the US, China has the Communist Party and that has a whole bunch of stuff to go along with it, the power in the People's Republic is divided between 3 things the National People's Congress NPC, the President, and the State Council. China also does not have an actual documented leader.
The State Council of the Peoples Republic of China violates the Hong Kong Basic Law by purposefully creating a pro-Beijing majority in the Hong Kong Election Committee and thus denies citizens participation in the election of their Chief Executive. This social injustice forms part of a larger social justice struggle whereby the autonomy of Hong Kong is slowly being eroded by Central Government control.
Hollywood model is a good example. Policies for private investors, banks and other financiers are the main source for most independent film. The policy is the rule for public investment that determines what kind of film could hit the big screen. Hollywood is the world’s largest filmmaker of movies. There is a business solution that the so-called “Hollywood model”. It is a model that managers focus on a single project. There are many differences between US and China because the US relies on the studios. By contrast, in China rely on the state. The government is the central controlled, which decide what film will be generated and every aspect of the
Statistics of the Chinese government (NBS, 2015) shows that the monthly wages of its migrating workers is ¥2864 RMB, approximately £3500 a year. At the same time, the wage levels of the Chinese migrating workers have continued to rise in recent years (see Appendix 2). Comparing these figures with Chinese per capita annual income of £1300 (WB, 2014), female factory workers seem to enjoy relatively good wages. However, these figures miss to calculate the shadow price on wage gap between them and their different counterparts.