Liberty and Equality, Tradition and Revolution:
The Search for Fulfilment in Modernity
“I shall first go over the period of 1789, when their affections were divided between the love of freedom and the love of equality; when they desired to establish free as well as democratic institutions, and to acknowledge and confirm rights as well as to destroy privileges. This was an era of youth, of enthusiasm, of pride, of generous and heartfelt passions; despite its errors, men will remember it long, and for many a day to come...” -Alexis de Tocqueville, “The Old Regime and the French Revolution” (v-vi)
Alexis de Tocqueville observed and documented many facets of politics in his writing, but his description of equality and liberty in his work The Old Regime and the French Revolution are particularly important. Not only are the understanding of equality and liberty key to understanding the recent and incredibly destructive period of revolution by the French people, but they are also a rich elaboration on the roots of modernity and modern culture and politics. For Tocqueville, equality and liberty, two opposing political ends, are the products of first the old regime and then the so-called democratic despotism that is drawn out of the revolution and takes advantage of the people’s response to an increasingly weak and incapable government. Tocqueville
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In his letter, “Reflections on the Revolution in France,” Burke examines the mindset and philosophy of revolutionaries and compares them to the tradition and principles of British political theory. Though Burke fundamentally disagrees with the revolution, he understands their plight: “But to form a free government; that is, to temper together these opposite elements of liberty and restraint in one consistent work, requires much thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and combining mind.” (Burke
1.) Alexis de Tocqueville viewed equality as the greatest political and social idea in his era. He was a French sociologist and political theorist who
Another significant problem which Tocqueville analyzed in his “Democracy in America” is the weaknesses of democracy and the relations between equality and liberty, which is the issue of continuing relevance.
Edmund Burke published the Reflections on the Revolution in France in 1790; after the Bastille had been stormed by the Paris mol. He reflects upon about how France was very chaotic. Burke opposed the values of his contemporary revolutionaries; and he predicted that the French revolution would cause problems of fear and chaos to the country. Burke also believed that the revolutionary leaders were more interested in themselves and that they wanted power, however; and really did not care about the well-being of the French people. He believed in the concepts of liberty, equality and the right for everyone; he argues that people should have the opportunity to own their private property. Furthermore, Burke viewed the revolution as a violent takeover of the government, emphasizing that citizens should not have the right to do this. He also argues about importance of tradition in that tradition is what holds society together.
Tocqueville in Democracy in America distinguishes between the tendency of man towards egoism and American self-interest, the structure of the democratic versus the aristocratic family, and the relationship between women and men to point to how individual liberties can complement equality of social conditions in a democracy. His revelations reflect on American values for freedom of expression of the individual and how venerating equality can encourage variety.
Alexis De Tocqueville's seminal text Democracy in America serves as a prime template of rigidly and explicitly examining the dawn of democratic intellectualism and policies of the United States in the early 19th century. What I will argue is that throughout his text, he is most interested in how the themes of freedom or liberty, and equality have evolved and been implemented in American society from political spheres to more common place social spheres on the level of the general population. Alexis De Tocqueville's main argument is how the United States have perhaps best applied a democratic society while avoiding aristocratic or monarchical frameworks, such as many European nations. De Tocqueville's examination and analysis of American society suggests that he is an advocate of how equality and freedom are handled, but also occasionally warns against possible flaws in the system that could revert into a more unbalanced society, economically and socially speaking. Despite these setbacks, De Tocqueville's optimism over equality and liberty in America prevail.
Beginning in 1789, the French Revolution was a time of rebellion, passion, betrayal, death, violence, and perseverance. Before 1789, King Louis XVI was taxing his poorest people heavily, whilst the rich were hardly taxed at all. The socioeconomic system in place at the time, known as the ancien regime, ruthlessly upheld the status quo. When the tension in France rose to a boiling point, fiery, young rebels to rose up against the Monarchy, the Ancien Regime, and the Clergy. These revolutionaries desperately wanted change, and they had three main principles around which their movement centered: Liberté, Égalité, and Fraternité. Liberty is the freedom to do as one pleases so long as one’s actions do not unjustifiably harm others. Equality is being considered the same. Fraternity is a sense of brotherhood and companionship. The goals of the French Revolution were initially achieved with alacrity, however they were abandoned with relative quickness as malcontented leaders quested for, and abused, power and authority.
Tocqueville begins by stating his admiration for the equality he witnessed in America and the belief that Europe is approaching a similar equality. In America, he saw how everything (politically and socially) is either causes the equality or is a result of it. He then goes on to describe the changing situation in France- from patrilineal rule where the source of power was property to the Church's manner of governing where anyone could be a part of the clergy. With the importance of birth lowered, money became more important in determining status so people would seek power through personal property- with this came greater prosperity and enlightenment. Improvements, discoveries and arts all lead to greater equality because they moved forward-
It is necessary to understand de Tocqueville's observation of equality in order to make the distinction of democracy and how freedom relates to it. According to de Tocqueville, democracy
During the 19th century, in the age after the French Revolution, the vast majority of political and philosophical thinkers concerned themselves at some point with the issue of tyranny in society. Such writers spanned from Alexis de Tocqueville, to John Stuart Mill, to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The interpretations and approaches taken to the subject of tyranny and how to protect against it, though, were as varied as the collection of authors who addressed it. From de Tocqueville’s stringent observations in Democracy in America, the concept of a purely political tyranny is delineated. In contrast, Mill’s essay On Liberty focuses on a particular strain of despotic oppression that threatens the social wellbeing of citizens. Yet another
Tocqueville’s argument that there is an unreconciled tension between liberty and equality is relatively simple to grasp—the exercise of freedom can ultimately distribute wealth, opportunities, and goods in unequal ways; and vice versa, maintaining equality over time among people can ultimately come to having to limit the freedom of others by redistributing the same wealth, opportunities, and goods. One critical manifestation of this tension between liberty and equality is what Tocqueville calls the “tyranny” or “despotism of the majority.” If all men are equal, then no one person or group of people can rule over any other person or people, meaning that the only choice Americans have is to live according to the will of the largest number of people—tyranny of the majority becomes a harsh reality when that power goes unchecked. While it seems that if “equality” in its most perfect sense were what was being used as a measure, minority opinion could certainly be taken into account to the same degree as the opinion of any other group of people; however, this
Alexis de Tocqueville was born on July 29, 1805, in Paris, France. He was a historian, political scientist, and a politician, but he is best known as the author of Democracy in America. He began his political career as an apprentice magistrate, a role he was easily able to enter into due to his father’s role in French government. In the role of apprentice magistrate, Tocqueville witnessed the constitutional upheaval between the conservatives and liberals in France. With the inevitable decline of the aristocratic privilege on the horizon, he began to study the English political development. For Tocqueville, the July Revolution of 1830 and the resulting kingship of Louis Philippe of Orleans helped
The French Revolution began as an expression of rebellion against centuries of absolute rule in France. After an interim of experimental liberalism under the rule of Jacobins and Girondins and then the infamous reign of terror, the people of French were drawn to a man who promised them a return to stability, and honor through the expansion of empire. France and it’s people had long yearned for this sens eof honour, it had seemed, and could finally sens eit in a lasting rpesence under the rule of their prodigious, unbeatable general, Napoleon Bonaparte. He would soon take the reigns of civil government as well and become yet another Absolutist ruler, yet this
Similarly, French political scientist and historian Alexis de Tocqueville, in his book Democracy in America, a commentary on American life in the early 19th Century, explains equality and its importance in American society. Tocqueville wrote, “as no one is different from his fellows… men will be perfectly free because they are all entirely equal” (Tocqueville 94). While there are a few flaws in Tocqueville’s statement, mainly that not all men were equal in the early 19th Century, as slavery was still legal and practiced, equality was, in some ways, achieved. Coming from a French aristocracy, the fact that all white, landowning men over the age of twenty one could vote, was equality. In an aristocracy, only the aristocrats—the elites— made the decisions that affected the entire nation, even though they represented the minority. When analyzing Tocqueville, looking at his view of
The French Revolution has been studied since its end in an attempt to determine and understand the causes of it and its duration. Different schools of history attempt to provide different explanations, such as Marxist schools examining whether the French Revolution amounted to a class struggle or the ‘maximalist’ school in which the cultural transformation of French society is examined, including attitudes about monarchy, privilege and religion. This essay will contend that fundamental divisions of attitudes towards privilege began the revolution, with disagreements about religion and the Catholic Church making the revolution longer in duration. Monarchy is linked to privilege as the King was part of the privileged Second Estate. Thus, the revolution as a
The French Revolution of 1848 was a great disappointment to both Karl Marx and Alexis de Tocqueville. To Marx, the revolution should have been a step along the way to socialism, with the bourgeoisie capitalists overthrowing the previous landed feudal society. In turn, the proletariat would arise and bring both the end of class antagonism and the beginning of the socialist state. To Tocqueville, the revolution was about the reduction in the power of the aristocracy as the lower classes were in ascendance. The resulting broadening of equality would give rise to democracy, with all its hopes and shortfalls. Yet the revolution ended not in socialism or democracy, but with a President who became an Emperor. Marx and Tocqueville may have had different ideas about how and why a society should conduct itself, but both found the outcome of the Revolution of 1848 a misstep on the path of social evolution.