Introduction
Throughout the world, scholars of political science have tried to introduce different approaches on how to analyse voting in democratic states. This helps not just to analyse election results, but also to predict future moves of the key agents in elections. This includes political parties, politicians, interest groups and voters. Different models reache from sociological to psychological as well as from economical to candidate-focused approaches (Hague and Harrop 2013). Hence there is a general argument of which theory is most sophisticated and enables us most to understand voting behaviours.
This essay seeks to explore to what extend the Downs model of voting helps us to understand, in which ways political parties align themselves in general elections. Political parties shall be seen as ´a team of people seeking to control the governing apparatus by gaining votes in a duly constituted election´ (Down 1957, p.25). General elections shall be defined and restricted to democratic elections and the state level, which are held within periodic intervals to determine its government. Due to the limitations of this essay, this shall be restricted to a two-party system and illustrated by certain examples during both the 2008 and 2012 Presidential election of the United States of America.
The Downs model of voting, introduced in An Economic Theory of Democracy (1957) by Anthony Dows, develops two main hypotheses that (1) `parties act to maximise votes` (Downs 1957, p.
Linkage institutions can be defined as institutions that connect citizens with the government. Examples of linkage institutions include elections, political parties, interest groups, and the media. Elections specifically are supposed to encourage public participation in the selection of governmental officials. Unfortunately, low voter turnout has proved that elections are an imperfect linkage institution. Elections depend on voters to be successful, and some factors that relate to the likelihood of voting include age, education, and race. Although some people underestimate the power of the vote, voter turnout is
The author, V. O. Key, states the results of a survey that shows that voters tend to vote for people who vote for candidates that will help them financially. He also states that people tend to vote for a certain party’s candidate because of their ties to the party. Key then declares that one can predict a person’s vote based on their personality and attributes. Key also shows that although these behaviors show strangeness, the voters have great importance to politics. Key says that the voters’ behavior has importance as it helps candidates discover the nature of the voters’ interests to try gain an advantage. Finally, Key states that voters behave as well as possible, considering the possibilities of other
differences between their parties and policies. Although there are similarities between the parties, they tend to be overshadowed by individual party ideologies. With so many fundamental differences between the parties, finding topics or issues upon which constituents agree upon can at times be somewhat difficult. Although there are chasms between the voting practices of the parties, there are also some fundamental similarities as well.
Unlike parties in many other countries, political parties in the U.S. are relatively weak in terms of their ability to mobilize voters to register and ultimately vote on election- day. This inability to mobilize voters has direct correlation to the fact that membership and affiliation in political
The Funnel of Causality model describes voting behaviour in terms of socio-demographics, party identification, issues, and candidates. In this essay I will focus on issues because they can be compared between countries. An issue is essentially a problem that is perceived to be important, and there is an actor with “ownership” of the issue, meaning that there is someone who is thought to be “the best man for the job” so to speak. The economy isn’t an issue because you can’t have “ownership” over the economy. Issues are important because they explain a lot about voting behaviour.
The political system of America is very different from other developed and developing democracies. Most notable is the increased power bestowed on the upper house of the parliament, the extensive power held by the Supreme Court and the dominance demonstrated by only two major parties. In the United States, third parties have the least influence on the world’s most developed democracy’s political structure. In this democracy, people are under the US Constitution of the governmental system as well as state government and other units of local government. Local government entails counties, districts and municipalities. The evolution of the American political party system has come a long way; with Hamilton and Jefferson being regarded as the founder fathers of the modern party system. These were heads of the Federalist and Anti-Federalist groups in the 18th century of American politics. Ever since, the country has maintained a party system that has two main parties that are relatively stable. These are Democrats and Republicans and have remained in contest for election every time since the 1860 presidential elections. Initially, the Republican Party was the dominant party but the Democrats later gained dominance. However, the two parties became closely competitive and neither of them has been notably dominant since the 1970s (O'Connor & Sabato, n.d).
Watson’s focus on political parties, chapter 6, is an important part of this book. Not only does it support his argument, but it also gives the reader
In his essay “Polarized Parties Are Good for America”, Matthew Yglesias asserts that the two-party system is ideal for America. He begins by stating that polarization is bad for elites, as it leaves little to no room for “self-styled players”. He then suggests that the two-party system is beneficial for voters, insisting that having clearly labeled candidates creates a “menu” that allows the masses to know what they’re voting for from the start. He concludes by stating that the problem isn’t in partisanship, but with the small number of parties. In this essay I will prove that the two-party system is bad for America.
A voter can be defined as an individual who votes, or has the right to vote, in elections. Voting behaviour is explained using the concepts of expressive voting and strategic voting. A rational voter would act more strategically, that is, the voter would vote to produce an election outcome which is as close as possible to his or her own policy preferences, rather than voting on the basis of party attachment, ideology, or social group membership (expressive voting). Strategic voting has become more important than voting on the basis of political cleavages (expressive voting), so voters have become more rational in their approach, however there is always an element of expressiveness in their behaviour. Political parties were initially formed to represent the interests of particular groups in society however, as these parties became more universal in the appeal of their policy programmes, voting behaviour shifted from expressive to strategic. This essay explores the reasons behind the declining importance of political cleavages, and the rise of strategic voting.
A political two party system is one where two parties have complete dominance over voting, in terms of seats and the general vote. The multi- party system however describes a system where more than two parties have the ability to win role as government. In this essay I will give a balanced argument on whether Britain is a two party, or multi- party system.
Industrial Countries all over the world have seen a steady decline in voter participation; Great Britain is a great example of this. The country has witness turnout in elections falling slowly as time pass. However, the election of 2001 dropped the country from their average of 76% voter turnout to just a 59.4% turnout. Comparatively, Australia, a former colony of Britain, has enjoyed high and steady voter participation since 1924 because of the implementation of compulsory voting. This system has proven to be not only effective in bring voters to the polls, but also effective in improving Australia’s democracy. By evaluating these two countries with similar political structure; one can see the difference in compulsory voting turnouts
Turnout and tactical voting are driven by remarkably similar processes. Both are shown to depend on the strategic situation in the constituency and on the relative strength of preference between parties. Also both are influenced by party campaigning and the level of political interest, knowledge and trust. Tactical non-voting creates the potential for selection bias in models of vote choice. A model of tactical voting with sample selection suggests that the main conclusions are robust.
Prima Facie the Spitzenkandidaten election model is directly democratic, however, in practice this system is not without flaws. Electoral participation remained at record low levels when it was first introduced in 2009 and the following elections of 2014, at 43%. This low voter turnout illustrates that those who believed that Spitzenkandidaten would increase public interest and promote a pan-European debate about the future of the EU were clearly mistaken. The effectiveness of this voting system is much debated. From, aggregate election results it is clear that, such a system of voting continues to be akin to second order theory for two reasons. Firstly, low voter turnout exemplifies that citizens are disillusioned by politics at a European level and hence true voting patterns are skewed, as it is more likely for citizens with vested interests to vote at a European level. This has the adverse effect on European Integration through paving the way for Eurosceptic parties into the EP, whose representation is considerable in the current parliamentary formation. This is exemplified by the fact that the success of Eurosceptic parties was interdependent on the suffering of governing parties. For example the conservatives coupled with the liberal democrats in the UK lost 30%age points since the general election of 2010. The two Dutch governing parties suffered the same losses as compared to the 2012 Dutch general election. Finally, the governing parties of France and Spain lost
Many political science researchers study the forces that drive the vote. One of the earliest, and most well known, books about election studies is The American Voter. Written in 1960, the book tries to explain a model that describes what drives Americans to vote the way they do. The model suggests that social factors determine ones party identification, which determines one's issue positions and evaluation of candidate's characteristics. These forces all work together to determine how one will vote. This model may or may not still hold true today, as political researchers are not in agreement as to what exactly drives the vote. One thing that does remain true, however, is that factors such as social groups, party identification, issues,
This paper discusses the crucial issue of electoral systems and their peculiar utility to the effective representation in the national legislature (and even the executive) of the diverse interests within the state. This discussion is in no way novel as it has been one of the most age-old and fundamental questions in the study of politics. Controversially, it can be