John Dryden (16311700). The Poems of John Dryden. 1913.
Fables Ancient and Modern
To his Grace the Duke of Ormond: Dedication and Preface
MY LORD,Some Estates are held in England by paying a Fine at the change of every Lord: I have enjoyd the Patronage of your Family, from the time of your excellent Grandfather to this present Day. I have dedicated the Lives of Plutarch to the first Duke; and have celebrated the Memory of your Heroick Father. Tho I am very short of the Age of Nestor, yet I have livd to a third Generation of your House; and by your Graces Favour am admitted still to hold from you by the same Tenure.
I am not vain enough to boast that I have deservd the value of so Illustrious a Line; but my Fortune is the greater, that for three Descents they have been pleasd to distinguish my Poems from those of other Men, and have accordingly made me their peculiar Care. May it be permitted me to say, That as your Grandfather and Father were cherishd and adornd with Honours by two successive Monarchs, so I have been esteemd and patronisd by the Grandfather, the Father, and the Son, descended from one of the most Ancient, most Conspicuous, and most Deserving Families in Europe.
Tis true, that by delaying the Payment of my last Fine, when it was due by your Graces Accession to the Titles and Patrimonies of your House, I may seem in rigour of Law to have made a forfeiture of my Claim; yet my Heart has always been devoted to your Service; and since you have been graciously pleasd, by your permission of this Address, to accept the tender of my Duty, tis not yet too late to lay these Poems at your Feet.
The World is sensible that you worthily succeed not only to the Honours of your Ancestors, but also to their Virtues. The long Chain of Magnanimity, Courage, easiness of Access, and desire of doing Good, even to the Prejudice of your Fortune, is so far from being broken in your Grace, that the precious Metal yet runs pure to the newest Link of it: which I will not call the last, because I hope and pray it may descend to late Posterity: And your flourishing Youth, and that of your excellent Dutchess, are happy Omens of my Wish.
Tis observd by Livy and by others, That some of the noblest Roman Families retaind a resemblance of their Ancestry, not only in their Shapes and Features, but also in their Manners, their Qualities, and the distinguishing Characters of their Minds: Some Lines were noted for a stern, rigid Virtue, salvage, haughty, parcimonious, and unpopular: Others were more sweet, and affable; made of a more pliant Past, humble, courteous, and obliging; studious of doing charitable Offices, and diffusive of the Goods which they enjoyd. The last of these is the proper and indelible Character of your Graces Family. God Almighty has endud you with a Softness, a Beneficence, an attractive Behaviour winning on the Hearts of others; and so sensible of their Misery, that the Wounds of Fortune seem not inflicted on them, but on your self. You are so ready to redress, that you almost prevent their Wishes, and always exceed their Expectations: As if what was yours, was not your own, and not given you to possess, but to bestow on wanting Merit. But this is a Topick which I must cast in Shades, lest I offend your Modesty, which is so far from being ostentatious of the Good you do, that it blushes even to have it known: And therefore I must leave you to the Satisfaction and Testimony of your own Conscience, which, though it be a silent Panegyrick, is yet the best.
You are so easy of Access that Poplicola was not more, whose Doors were opend on the Outside to save the people even the common Civility of asking entrance; where all were equally admitted; where nothing that was reasonable was denyd, where Misfortune was a powerful Recommendation, and where (I can scarce forbear saying) that Want it self was a powerful Mediator, and was next to Merit.
The History of Peru assures us, That their Incas, above all their Titles, esteemd that the highest, which called them Lovers of the Poor: A Name more glorious than the Felix, Pius, and Augustus of the Roman Emperors; which were Epithets of Flattery, deservd by few of them; and not running in a Blood like the perpetual Gentleness and inherent Goodness of the Ormond Family.
Gold, as it is the purest, so it is the softest and most ductile of all Metals: Iron, which is the hardest, gathers Rust, corrodes its self; and is therefore subject to Corruption: It was never intended for Coins and Medals, or to bear the Faces and Inscriptions of the Great. Indeed tis fit for Armour, to bear off Insults, and preserve the Wearer in the Day of Battle; but the Danger once repelld, it is laid aside by the Brave, as a Garment too rough for civil Conversation; a necessary Guard in War, but too harsh and cumbersome in Peace, and which keeps off the embraces of a more human Life.
For this reason, my Lord, though you have Courage in a heroical Degree, yet I ascribe it to you but as your second Attribute: Mercy, Beneficence, and Compassion, claim Precedence, as they are first in the divine Nature. An intrepid Courage, which is inherent in your Grace, is at best but a Holiday-kind of Virtue, to be seldom exercisd, and never but in Cases of Necessity; Affability, Mildness, Tenderness, and a Word, which I would fain bring back to its original Signification of Virtue, I mean good Nature, are of daily use: They are the Bread of Mankind and Staff of Life: Neither Sighs, nor Tears, nor Groans, nor Curses of the vanquishd follow Acts of Compassion, and of Charity: But a sincere Pleasure and Serenity of Mind, in him who performs an Action of Mercy, which cannot suffer the Misfortunes of another, without redress; lest they should bring a kind of Contagion along with them, and pollute the Happiness which he enjoys.
Yet since the perverse Tempers of Mankind, since Oppression on one side, and Ambition on the other, are sometimes the unavoidable Occasions of War; that Courage, that Magnanimity, and Resolution, which is born with you, cannot be too much commended: And here it grieves me that I am scanted in the pleasure of dwelling on many of your Actions: But [Greek] is an Expression which Tully often uses, when he would do what he dares not, and fears the Censure of the Romans.
I have sometimes been forcd to amplify on others; but here, where the Subject is so fruitful that the Harvest overcomes the Reaper, I am shortend by my Chain, and can only see what is forbidden me to reach: Since it is not permitted me to commend you according to the extent of my Wishes, and much less is it in my Power to make my Commendations equal to your Merits.
Yet in this Frugality of your Praises, there are some Things which I cannot omit, without detracting from your Character. You have so formd your own Education, as enables you to pay the Debt you owe your Country, or, more properly speaking, both your Countries: Because you were born, I may almost say in Purple at the Castle of Dublin, when your Grandfather was Lord-Lieutenant, and have since been bred in the Court of England.
If this Address had been in Verse, I might have calld you, as Claudian calls Mercury, Numen commune, Gemino faciens commercia mundo. The better to satisfy this double Obligation, you have early cultivated the Genius you have to Arms, that when the service of Britain or Ireland shall require your Courage and your Conduct, you may exert them both to the Benefit of either Country. You began in the Cabinet what you afterwards practisd in the Camp; and thus both Lucullus and Cæsar (to omit a crowd of shining Romans) formd them selves to the War by the Study of History, and by the examples of the greatest Captains, both of Greece and Italy, before their time. I name those two Commanders in particular, because they were better read in Chronicle than any of the Roman Leaders; and that Lucullus in particular, having only the Theory of War from Books, was thought fit, without Practice, to be sent into the Field against the most formidable Enemy of Rome. Tully indeed was calld the learnd Consul in derision; but then, he was not born a Soldier: His Head was turnd another way: When he read the Tactics, he was thinking on the Bar, which was his Field of Battle. The Knowledge of Warfare is thrown away on a General who dares not make use of what he knows. I commend it only in a Man of Courage and of Resolution: in him it will direct his Martial Spirit, and teach him the way to the best Victories, which are those that are least bloody, and which, tho atchieved by the Hand, are managed by the Head. Science distinguishes a Man of Honour from one of those Athletick Brutes whom undeservedly we call Heroes. Cursd be the Poet, who first honourd with that Name a meer Ajax, a Man-killing Ideot. The Ulysses of Ovid upbraids his Ignorance, that he understood not the Shield for which he pleaded: There was engraven on it, Plans of Cities, and Maps of Countries, which Ajax could not comprehend, but lookd on them as stupidly as his Fellow-Beast the Lion. But on the other side, your Grace has given your self the Education of his Rival; you have studied every Spot of Ground in Flanders, which for these ten Years past has been the Scene of Battles and of Sieges. No wonder if you performd your part with such Applause on a Theater which you understood so well.
If I designd this for a Poetical Encomium, it were easy to enlarge on so copious a Subject; but confining my self to the Severity of Truth, and to what is becoming me to say, I must not only pass over many Instances of your Military Skill, but also those of your assiduous Diligence in the War, and of your personal bravery, attended with an ardent Thirst of Honour; a long train of Generosity; Profuseness of doing Good; a Soul unsatisfyd with all it has done; and an unextinguishd Desire of doing more. But all this is Matter for your own Historians; I am, as Virgil says, Spatiis exclusus iniquis.
Yet not to be wholly silent of all your Charities, I must stay a little on one Action, which preferrd the Relief of Others, to the Consideration of your Self. When, in the Battle of Landen, your Heat of Courage (a Fault only pardonable to your Youth) had transported you so far before your Friends, that they were unable to follow, much less to succour you; when you were not only dangerously, but in all appearance mortally wounded; when in that desperate Condition you were made Prisoner, and carried to Namur, at that time in Possession of the French; then it was, my Lord, that you took a considerable Part of what was remitted to you of your own Revenues, and as a memorable Instance of your Heroick Charity, put it into the Hands of Count Guiscard, who was Governor of the Place, to be distributed among your Fellow-Prisoners. The French Commander, charmd with the greatness of your Soul, accordingly consignd it to the Use for which it was intended by the Donor: By which means the Lives of so many miserable Men were savd, and a comfortable Provision made for their Subsistance, who had otherwise perishd, had not you been the Companion of their Misfortune: or rather sent by Providence, like another Joseph, to keep out Famine from invading those, whom in Humility you called your Brethren. How happy was it for those poor Creatures that your Grace was made their Fellow-Sufferer? And how glorious for You, that you chose to want, rather than not relieve the Wants of others? The Heathen Poet, in commending the charity of Dido to the Trojans, spoke like a Christian: Non ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco. All men, even those of a different Interest, and contrary Principles, must praise this Action, as the most eminent for Piety, not only in this degenerate Age, but almost in any of the former; when Men were made de meliore luto; when Examples of Charity were frequent, and when there were in being, Teucri, pulcherrima proles, Magnanimi heroes, nati melioribus annis. No Envy can detract from this: it will shine in History; and like Swans, grow whiter the longer it endures: and the Name of ORMOND will be more celebrated in his Captivity than in his greatest Triumphs.
But all Actions of your Grace are of a piece; as Waters keep the Tenour of their Fountains: your Compassion is general, and has the same Effect as well on Enemies as Friends. Tis so much in your Nature to do Good, that your Life is but one continued Act of placing Benefits on many, as the Sun is always carrying his Light to some Part or other of the World: And were it not that your Reason guides you where to give, I might almost say that you could not help bestowing more, than is consisting with the Fortune of a private Man, or with the Will of any but an Alexander.
What Wonder is it then, that being born for a Blessing to Mankind, your supposd Death in that Engagement, was so generally lamented through the Nation? The Concernment for it was as universal as the Loss: And though the Gratitude might be counterfeit in some; yet the Tears of all were real: Where every man deplord his private Part in that Calamity, and even those who had not tasted of your Favours, yet built so much on the Fame of your Beneficence, that they bemoand the Loss of their Expectations.
This brought the untimely Death of your Great Father into fresh remembrance; as if the same Decree had passd on two short successive Generations of the Virtuous; and I repeated to my self the same Verses, which I had formerly applyd to him: Ostendunt terris hunc tantum fata, nec ultra Esse sinunt.
But to the Joy not only of all good Men, but of Mankind in general, the unhappy Omen took not place. You are still living to enjoy the Blessings and Applause of all the Good you have performd, the Prayers of Multitudes whom you have obligd, for your long Prosperity, and that your Power of doing generous and charitable Actions may be as extended as your Will; which is by none more zealously desird than by
Your Graces most humble, most obligd, and most obedient servant,
TIS1 with a Poet as with a Man who designs to build, and is very exact, as he supposes, in casting up the Cost beforehand: But, generally speaking, he is mistaken in his Account, and reckons short of the Expense he first intended: He alters his Mind as the Work proceeds, and will have this or that Convenience more, of which he had not thought when he began. So has it hapned to me; I have built a House, where I intended but a Lodge: Yet with better Success than a certain Nobleman, who, beginning with a Dog-kennil never livd to finish the Palace he had contrivd.
From translating the First of Homers Iliads (which I intended as an Essay to the whole Work) I proceeded to the Translation of the Twelfth Book of Ovids Metamorphoses, because it contains, among other Things, the Causes, the Beginning, and Ending of the Trojan War: Here I ought in reason to have stoppd; but the speeches of Ajax and Ulysses lying next in my way, I could not balk em. When I had compassd them, I was so taken with the former Part of the Fifteenth Book (which is the Master-piece of the whole Metamorphoses) that I enjoynd myself the pleasing Task of rendring it into English. And now I found by the Number of my Verses, that they began to swell into a little Volume; which gave me an Occasion of looking backward on some Beauties of my Author, in his former Books: There occurd to me the Hunting of the Boar, Cinyras and Myrrha, the good-natured story of Baucis and Philemon, with the rest, which I hope I have translated closely enough, and given them the same Turn of Verse which they had in the Original; and this, I may say without vanity, is not the Talent of every Poet: He who has arrivd the nearest to it is the Ingenious and Learned Sandys, the best Versifier of the former Age; if I may properly call it by that Name, which was the former Part of this concluding Century. For Spenser and Fairfax both flourished in the reign of Queen Elizabeth; Great Masters in our Language; and who saw much farther into the Beauties of our Numbers, than those who immediately followed them. Milton was the Poetical son of Spencer, and Mr. Waller of Fairfax; for we have our Lineal Descents and Clans, as well as other Families: Spencer more than once insinuates, that the Soul of Chaucer was transfusd into his Body; and that he was begotten by him Two hundred years after his Decease. Milton has acknowledgd to me, that Spencer was his Original; and many besides my self have heard our famous Waller own, that he derivd the Harmony of his Numbers from the Godfrey of Bulloign, which was turned into English by Mr. Fairfax. But to return: Having done with Ovid for this time, it came into my mind, that our old English poet, Chaucer, in many Things resembled him, and that with no disadvantage on the Side of the Modern Author, as I shall endeavour to prove when I compare them: And as I am, and always have been, studious to promote the Honour of my Native Country, so I soon resolved to put their Merits to the Trial, by turning some of the Canterbury Tales into our Language, as it is now refind: For by this means, both the Poets being set in the same light, and dressd in the same English Habit, Story to be compared with Story, a certain Judgment may be made betwixt them by the Reader, without obtruding my Opinion on him: Or if I seem partial to my Country-man and Predecessor in the Laurel, the Friends of Antiquity are not few: And besides many of the Learnd, Ovid has almost all the Beaux, and the whole Fair Sex, his declard Patrons. Perhaps I have assumd somewhat more to my self than they allow me; because I have adventurd to sum up the Evidence: But the Readers are the Jury; and their Privilege remains entire to decide according to the Merits of the Cause: Or, if they please to bring it to another Hearing before some other Court. In the mean time, to follow the Thrid of my Discourse (as Thoughts, according to Mr. Hobbs, have always some Connexion), so from Chaucer I was led to think on Boccace, who was not only his Contemporary, but also pursud the same Studies; wrote Novels in Prose, and many Works in Verse; particularly is said to have invented the Octave Rhyme, or Stanza of Eight Lines, which ever since has been maintaind by the Practice of all Italian Writers, who are, or at least assume the Title of, Heroick Poets: He and Chaucer, among other Things, had this in common, that they refind their Mother-Tongues; but with this difference, that Dante had begun to file their Language, at least in Verse, before the time of Boccace, who likewise receivd no little Help from his Master Petrarch: But the Reformation of their Prose was wholly owing to Boccace himself, who is yet the Standard of Purity in the Italian Tongue; though many of his Phrases are become obsolete, as in process of Time it must needs happen. Chaucer (as you have formerly been told by our learnd Mr. Rhymer) first adornd and amplified our barren Tongue from the Provencall, which was then the most polishd of all the Modern Languages: But this Subject has been copiously treated by that great Critick, who deserves no little Commendation from us his Countrymen. For these Reasons of Time and Resemblance of Genius in Chaucer and Boccace, I resolvd to join them in my present Work; to which I have added some Original Papers of my own, which whether they are equal or inferiour to my other Poems, an Author is the most improper Judge; and therefore I leave them wholly to the Mercy of the Reader: I will hope the best, that they will not be condemnd; but if they should, I have the Excuse of an old Gentleman, who mounting on Horseback before some Ladies, when I was present, got up somewhat heavily, but desird of the Fair Spectators that they would count Fourscore and eight before they judgd him. By the Mercy of God, I am already come within Twenty Years of his Number, a Cripple in my Limbs; but what Decays are in my Mind, the Reader must determine. I think my self as vigorous as ever in the Faculties of my Soul, excepting only my Memory, which is not impaird to any great degree; and if I lose not more of it, I have no great reason to complain. What Judgment I had increases rather than diminishes: and Thoughts, such as they are, come crowding in so fast upon me, that my only Difficulty is to chuse or to reject; to run them into Verse or to give them the other harmony of Prose, I have so long studied and practisd both, that they are grown into a Habit, and become familiar to me. In short, though I may lawfully plead some part of the old Gentlemans Excuse, yet I will reserve it till I think I have greater need, and ask no Grains of Allowance for the Faults of this my present Work, but those which are given of course to Humane Frailty. I will not trouble my Reader with the shortness of Time in which I writ it, or the several Intervals of Sickness: They who think too well of their own Performances are apt to boast in their Prefaces how little Time their Works have cost them, and what other Business of more importance interferd: but the Reader will be as apt to ask the Question, Why they allowd not a longer Time to make their Works more perfect, and why they had so despicable an Opinion of their Judges as to thrust their indigested Stuff upon them, as if they deservd no better?
With this Account of my present Undertaking I conclude the first Part of this Discourse: in the second Part, as at a second Sitting, though I alter not the Draught, I must touch the same Features over again, and change the Dead-colouring of the Whole. In general I will only say, that I have written nothing which savours of Immorality or Profaneness; at least, I am not conscious to my self of any such Intention. If there happen to be found an irreverent Expression, or a Thought too wanton, they are crept into my Verses through my Inadvertency; If the Searchers find any in the Cargo, let them be stavd or forfeited, like Counterbanded2 Goods; at least, let their Authors be answerable for them, as being but imported Merchandise, and not of my own Manufacture. On the other Side, I have endeavourd to chuse such Fables, both Ancient and Modern, as contain in each of them some instructive Moral, which I could prove by Induction, but the Way is tedious; and they leap foremost into sight, without the Readers Trouble of looking after them. I wish I could affirm with a safe Conscience, that I had taken the same Care in all my former Writings; for it must be ownd, that supposing Verses are never so beautiful or pleasing, yet if they contain any thing which shocks Religion, or Good Manners, they are at best, what Horace says of good Numbers without good sense, Versus inopes rerum, nugæque canoræ: Thus far, I hope, I am Right in Court, without renouncing to my other Right of Self-defence, where I have been wrongfully accusd, and my Sense wire-drawn into Blasphemy or Bawdry, as it has often been by a Religious Lawyer, in a late Pleading against the Stage; in which he mixes Truth with Falsehood, and has not forgotten the old Rule of calumniating strongly, that something may remain.
I resume the Thrid of my Discourse with the first of my Translations, which was the First Iliad of Homer. If it shall please God to give me longer Life, and moderate Health, my Intentions are to translate the whole Ilias; provided still, that I meet with those Encouragements from the Publick, which may enable me to proceed in my Undertaking with some Chearfulness. And this I dare assure the World before-hand, that I have found by Trial, Homer a more pleasing Task than Virgil (though I say not the Translation will be less laborious). For the Grecian is more according to my Genius than the Latin Poet. In the Works of the two Authors we may read their Manners and natural Inclinations, which are wholly different. Virgil was of a quiet, sedate Temper; Homer was violent, impetuous, and full of Fire. The chief Talent of Virgil was Propriety of Thoughts, and Ornament of Words: Homer was rapid in his Thoughts, and took all the Liberties both of Numbers and of Expressions, which his Language, and the Age in which he livd allowd him. Homers Invention was more copious, Virgils more confind: So that if Homer had not led the Way, it was not in Virgil to have begun Heroick Poetry: For, nothing can be more evident, than that the Roman Poem is but the Second Part of the Ilias; a Continuation of the same Story: And the Persons already formd: The Manners of Æneas, are those of Hector superadded to those which Homer gave him. The Adventures of Ulysses in the Odysseis, are imitated in the first Six Books of Virgils Æneis: and though the Accidents are not the same (which would have argud him of a servile, copying, and total Barrenness of Invention), yet the Seas were the same in which both the Heroes wanderd; and Dido cannot be denyd to be the Poetical Daughter of Calypso. The Six latter books of Virgils Poem are the Four and twenty Iliads contracted: A Quarrel occasiond by a Lady, a Single Combate, Battels fought, and a Town besiegd. I say not this in derogation to Virgil, neither do I contradict anything which I have formerly said in his just Praise: for his Episodes are almost wholly of his own Invention; and the Form which he has given to the Telling, makes the Tale his own, even though the Original Story had been the same. But this proves, however, that Homer taught Virgil to design: And if Invention be the first Vertue of an Epick Poet, then the Latin Poem can only be allowd the second Place. Mr. Hobbs, in the Preface to his own bald Translation of the Ilias (studying Poetry as he did Mathematicks, when it was too late), Mr. Hobbs, I say, begins the Praise of Homer where he should have ended it. He tells us, that the first Beauty of an Epick Poem consists in Diction, that is, in the Choice of Words, and Harmony of Numbers; Now, the Words are the Colouring of the Work, which in the Order of Nature is last to be considerd. The Design, the Disposition, the Manners, and the Thoughts are all before it: Where any of those are wanting or imperfect, so much wants or is imperfect in the Imitation of Humane Life; which is in the very Definition of a Poem. Words indeed, like glaring Colours, are the first Beauties that arise, and strike the Sight: but if the Draught be false or lame, the Figures ill disposd, the Manners obscure or inconsistent, or the Thoughts unnatural, then the finest Colours are but Dawbing, and the Piece is a beautiful Monster at the best. Neither Virgil nor Homer were deficient in any of the former Beauties; but in this last, which is Expression, the Roman poet is at least equal to the Grecian, as I have said elsewhere; supplying the poverty of his Language by his Musical Ear, and by his Diligence. But to return: Our two Great Poets, being so different in their Tempers, one Cholerick and Sanguin, the other Phlegmatick and Melancholick: that which makes them excel in their several Ways is, that each of them has followd his own natural Inclination, as well in Forming the Design as in the Execution of it. The very Heroes show their Authors: Achilles is hot, impatient, revengeful, Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer, &c. Æneas patient, considerate, careful of his People and merciful to his Enemies; ever submissive to the Will of Heaven, quo fata trahunt retrahuntque sequamur. I could please my self with enlarging on this Subject, but am forcd to defer it to a fitter Time. From all I have said I will only draw this Inference, That the Action of Homer being more full of Vigour than that of Virgil, according to the Temper of the Writer, is of consequence more pleasing to the Reader. One warms you by Degrees; the other sets you on fire all at once, and never intermits his Heat. Tis the same Difference which Longinus makes betwixt the effects of eloquence in Demosthenes, and Tully. One persuades; the other commands. You never cool while you read Homer, even not in the Second Book (a graceful Flattery to his Countrymen); but he hastens from the Ships, and concludes not that Book till he has made you an Amends by the violent playing of a new Machine. From thence he hurries on his Action with Variety of Events, and ends it in less Compass than Two months. This Vehemence of his, I confess, is more suitable to my Temper: and therefore I have translated his First Book with greater Pleasure than any Part of Virgil; But it was not a Pleasure without Pains: The continual Agitations of the Spirits, must needs be a Weakning of any Constitution, especially in Age; and many Pauses are required for Refreshment betwixt the Heats; the Iliad of its self being a third part longer than all Virgils Works together.
This is what I thought needful in this Place to say of Homer. I proceed to Ovid, and Chaucer; considering the former only in relation to the latter. With Ovid ended the Golden Age of the Roman Tongue: From Chaucer the purity of the English Tongue began, The Manners of the Poets were not unlike: Both of them were well-bred, well-naturd, amorous, and Libertine, at least in their Writings, it may be also in their Lives. Their Studies were the same, Philosophy and Philology. Both of them were knowing in Astronomy, of which Ovids Books of the Roman Feasts, and Chaucers Treatise of the Astrolabe, are sufficient Witnesses. But Chaucer was likewise an Astrologer, as were Virgil, Horace, Persius, and Manilius. Both writ with wonderful Facility and Clearness: neither were great Inventors: For Ovid only copied the Grecian Fables; and most of Chaucers Stories were taken from his Italian Contemporaries or their Predecessors: Boccace his Decameron was first publishd; and from thence our Englishman has borrowd many of his Canterbury Tales; Yet that of Palamon and Arcite was written, in all probability, by some Italian Wit, in a former Age, as I shall prove hereafter: The Tale of Grizild was the invention of Petrarch; by him sent to Boccace; from whom it came to Chaucer: Troilus and Cressida was also written by a Lombard Author; but much amplified by our English translatour, as well as beautified; the Genius of our Countrymen in general being rather to improve an Invention, than to invent themselves; as is evident not only in our Poetry, but in many of our Manufactures. I find I have anticipated already, and taken up from Boccace before I come to him; But there is so much less behind; and I am of the Temper of most Kings, who love to be in debt, are all for present Money, no matter how they pay it afterwards: Besides, the Nature of a preface is Rambling; never wholly out of the Way, nor in it. This I have learnd from the Practice of honest Montaign, and return at my pleasure to Ovid and Chaucer, of whom I have little more to say. Both of them built on the Inventions of other Men; yet since Chaucer had something of his own, as The Wife of Baths Tale, The Cock and the Fox, which I have translated, and some others, I may justly give our Countryman the Precedence in that Part; since I can remember nothing of Ovid which was wholly his. Both of them understood the Manners, under which Name I comprehend the Passions, and, in a larger Sense, the Descriptions of Persons, and their very Habits. For an Example, I see Baucis and Philemon as perfectly before me, as if some ancient Painter had drawn them; and all the Pilgrims in the Canterbury Tales, their Humours, their Features, and the very Dress, as distinctly as if I had suppd with them at the Tabard in Southwark; Yet even there too the Figures in Chaucer are much more lively, and set in a better Light: which though I have not Time to prove, yet I appeal to the Reader, and am sure he will clear me from Partiality. The Thoughts and Words remain to be considerd, in the Comparison of the two Poets; and I have savd my self one half of that Labour, by owning that Ovid livd when the Roman Tongue was in its Meridian; Chaucer, in the Dawning of our Language: Therefore that Part of the Comparison stands not on an equal Foot, any more than the Diction of Ennius and Ovid, or of Chaucer, and our present English. The Words are given up as a Post not to be defended in our Poet, because he wanted the Modern Art of Fortifying. The Thoughts remain to be considerd: And they are to be measurd only by their Propriety; that is, as they flow more or less naturally from the Persons describd, on such and such Occasions. The Vulgar Judges, which are Nine Parts in Ten of all Nations, who call Conceits and Jingles Wit, who see Ovid full of them, and Chaucer altogether without them, will think me little less than mad for preferring the Englishman to the Roman: Yet, with their leave, I must presume to say, that the Things they admire are only glittering Trifles, and so far from being Witty, that in a serious Poem they are nauseous, because they are unnatural. Woud any Man, who is ready to die for Love, describe his passion like Narcissus? Woud he think of inopem me copia fecit, and a Dozen more of such Expressions, pourd on the Neck of one another, and signifying all the same Thing? If this were Wit, was this a Time to be witty, when the poor Wretch was in the Agony of Death? This is just John Littlewit in Bartholomew Fair, who had a Conceit (as he tells you) left him in his Misery; a miserable Conceit. On these Occasions the Poet shoud endeavour to raise Pity; but instead of this, Ovid is tickling you to laugh. Virgil never made use of such Machines, when he was moving you to commiserate the Death of Dido: He would not destroy what he was building. Chaucer makes Arcite violent in his Love, and unjust in the Pursuit of it: Yet when he came to die, he made him think more reasonably: He repents not of his Love, for that had alterd his Character; but acknowledges the Injustice of his Proceedings, and resigns Emilia to Palamon. What would Ovid have done on this Occasion? He would certainly have made Arcite witty on his Death-bed. He had complaind he was farther off from Possession, by being so near, and a thousand such Boyisms, which Chaucer rejected as below the Dignity of the Subject. They who think otherwise, would, by the same Reason, prefer Lucan and Ovid to Homer and Virgil, and Martial to all Four of them. As for the Turn of Words, in which Ovid particularly excels all Poets; they are sometimes a Fault, and sometimes a Beauty, as they are used properly or improperly; but in strong Passions always to be shunnd, because Passions are serious, and will admit no Playing. The French have a high Value for them; and I confess, they are often what they call Delicate, when they are introduced with Judgment; but Chaucer writ with more Simplicity, and followd Nature more closely, than to use them. I have thus far, to the best of my Knowledge, been an upright Judge betwixt the Parties in Competition, not medling with the Design nor the Disposition of it; because the Design was not their own, and in the disposing of it they were equal. It remains that I say somewhat of Chaucer in particular.
In the first place, As he is the father of English Poetry, so I hold him in the same Degree of Veneration as the Grecians held Homer, or the Romans Virgil: He is a perpetual Fountain of good Sense; learnd in all Sciences; and therefore speaks properly on all Subjects: As he knew what to say, so he knows also when to leave off; a Continence which is practisd by few Writers, and scarcely by any of the Ancients, excepting Virgil and Horace. One of our late great Poets is sunk in his Reputation because he coud never forgo any conceit3 which came in his way; but swept like a Drag-net, great and small. There was plenty enough, but the Dishes were ill-sorted; whole pyramids of Sweet-meats, for Boys and Women; but little of solid Meat, for Men: All this proceeded not from any want of Knowledge, but of Judgment; neither did he want that in discerning the Beauties and Faults of other Poets; but only indulgd himself in the Luxury of Writing; and perhaps knew it was a Fault, but hopd the Reader would not find it. For this Reason, though he must always be thought a great Poet, he is no longer esteemd a good Writer: and for Ten Impressions which his Works have had in so many successive Years, yet at present a hundred Books are scarcely purchasd once a Twelve month: For as my last Lord Rochester said, though somewhat profanely, Not being of God, he could not stand.
Chaucer followd Nature every where; but was never so bold to go beyond her: And there is a great Difference of being Poeta and nimis Poeta, if we may believe Catullus, as much as betwixt a modest Behaviour and Affectation. The Verse of Chaucer, I confess, is not Harmonious to us; but tis like the Eloquence of one whom Tacitus commends, it was auribus istius temporis accommodata; they who livd with him, and some time after him, thought it Musical; and it continues so even in our Judgment, if compard with the Numbers of Lidgate and Gower, his Contemporaries: there is the rude Sweetness of a Scotch Tune in it, which is natural and pleasing, though not perfect. Tis true, I cannot go so far as he who publishd the last Edition of him; for he would make us believe the Fault is in our Ears, and that there were really Ten Syllables in a Verse where we find but Nine: But this opinion is not worth confuting; tis so gross and obvious an Errour, that common Sense (which is a Rule in every thing but Matters of Faith and Revelation) must convince the Reader, that Equality of Numbers in every Verse which we call Heroick, was either not known, or not always practisd in Chaucers Age. It were an easie Matter to produce some thousands of his Verses, which are lame for want of half a foot, and sometimes a whole one, and which no pronunciation can make otherwise. We can only say, that he livd in the Infancy of our Poetry, and that nothing is brought to Perfection at the first. We must be Children before we grow Men. There was an Ennius, and in process of Time a Lucilius, and a Lucretius, before Virgil and Horace; even after Chaucer there was a Spencer, a Harrington, a Fairfax, before Waller and Denham were in being: And our Numbers were in their Nonage till these last appeard. I need say little of his Parentage, Life, and Fortunes: they are to be found at large in all the Editions of his Works. He was employd abroad and favoured by Edward the Third, Richard the Second, and Henry the Fourth, and was Poet, as I suppose, to all Three of them. In Richards time, I doubt, he was a little dipt in the Rebellion of the Commons; and being Brother-in-Law to John of Ghant, it was no wonder if he followd the Fortunes of that Family; and was well with Henry the Fourth when he had deposd his Predecessor. Neither is it to be admird, that Henry, who was a wise as well as a valiant Prince, who claimd by Succession, and was sensible that his Title was not sound, but was rightfully in Mortimer, who had married the Heir of York; it was not to be admird, I say, if that great Politician should be pleasd to have the greatest Wit of those Times in his Interests, and to be the Trumpet of his Praises. Augustus had given him the Example, by the Advice of Mecænas, who recommended Virgil and Horace to him; whose Praises helpd to make him popular while he was alive, and after his Death have made him Precious to Posterity. As for the Religion of our Poet, he seems to have some little Byas towards the Opinions of Wickliff, after John of Gaunt his Patron; somewhat of which appears in the Tale of Piers Plowman: Yet I cannot blame him for inveighing so sharply against the Vices of the Clergy in his Age: Their Pride, their Ambition, their Pomp, their Avarice, their Worldly Interest, deservd the Lashes which he gave them, both in that, and in most of his Canterbury Tales: Neither has his Contemporary Boccace, spard them. Yet both those Poets lived in much esteem with good and holy Men in Orders: For the Scandal which is given by particular Priests, reflects not on the Sacred Function. Chaucers Monk, his Chanon, and his Fryar took not from the Character of his Good Parson. A Satyrical Poet is the Check of the Laymen on bad Priests. We are only to take care, that we involve not the Innocent with the Guilty in the same Condemnation. The Good cannot be too much honourd, nor the Bad too coursely usd: For the Corruption of the Best, becomes the Worst. When a Clergy-man is whippd, his Gown is first taken off, by which the Dignity of his Order is securd: If he be wrongfully accusd, he has his Action of Slander; and tis at the Poets Peril, if he transgress the Law. But they will tell us, that all kind of Satire, though never so well deservd by particular Priests, yet brings the whole Order into Contempt. Is then the Peerage of England anything dishonourd, when a peer suffers for his Treason? If he be libelld, or any way defamd, he has his Scandalum Magnatum to punish the Offendor. They who use this kind of Argument, seem to be conscious to themselves of somewhat which has deservd the Poets Lash; and are less concernd for their Publick Capacity, than for their private: At least there is Pride at the bottom of their Reasoning. If the Faults of Men in Orders are only to be judgd among themselves, they are all in some sort Parties: For, since they say the Honour of their Order is concernd in every Member of it, how can we be sure, that they will be impartial Judges? How far I may be allowd to speak my Opinion in this Case, I know not: But I am sure a Dispute of this Nature caused Mischief in abundance betwixt a King of England and an Archbishop of Canterbury; one standing up for the Laws of his Land, and the other for the Honour (as he called it), of Gods Church; which ended in the Murther of the Prelate, and in the whipping of his Majesty from Post to Pillar for his Penance. The Learnd and Ingenious Dr. Drake has savd me the Labour of inquiring into the Esteem and Reverence which the Priests have had of old: and I would rather extend than diminish any part of it: Yet I must needs say, that when a Priest provokes me without any Occasion given him, I have no Reason, unless it be the Charity of a Christian, to forgive him: Prior læsit is Justification sufficient in the Civil Law. If I answer him in his own Language, Self-defence, I am sure, must be allowd me; and if I carry it farther, even to a sharp Recrimination, somewhat may be indulged to Humane Frailty. Yet my Resentment has not wrought so far but that I have followd Chaucer in his Character of a Holy Man, and have enlargd on that Subject with some Pleasure, reserving to my self the Right, if I shall think fit hereafter, to describe another sort of Priests, such as are more easily to be found than the Good Parson; such as have given the last Blow to Christianity in this Age, by a Practice so contrary to their Doctrine. But this will keep cold till another time. In the mean while, I take up Chaucer where I left him. He must have been a Man of a most wonderful comprehensive Nature, because, as it has been truly observd of him, he has taken into the Compass of his Canterbury Tales the various Manners and Humours (as we now call them) of the whole English Nation in his Age. Not a single Character has escapd him. All his Pilgrims are severally distinguishd from each other: and not only in their Inclinations, but in their very Phisiognomies and Persons. Baptista Porta could not have describd their Natures better, than by the Marks which the Poet gives them. The Matter and Manner of their Tales, and of their Telling are so suited to their different Educations, Humours and Callings, that each of them would be improper in any other Mouth. Even the grave and serious Characters are distinguishd by their several sorts of Gravity: Their Discourses are such as belong to their Age, their Calling, and their Breeding; such as are becoming of them, and of them only. Some of his Persons are Vicious, and some vertuous; some are unlearnd or (as Chaucer calls them) Lewd, and some are Learnd. Even the Ribaldry of the Low Characters is different: The Reeve, the Miller, and the Cook are several Men, and distinguishd from each other, as much as the mincing Lady Prioress and the broad-speaking gap-toothed Wife of Bathe. But enough of this: There is such a Variety of Game springing up before me, that I am distracted in my Choice, and know not which to follow. Tis sufficient to say, according to the Proverb, that here is Gods Plenty. We have our Fore-fathers and Great Grandames all before us, as they were in Chaucers Days; their general Characters are still remaining in Mankind, and even in England, though they are called by other Names than those of Moncks and Fryars, and Chanons, and Lady Abbesses, and Nuns: For Mankind is ever the same, and nothing lost out of Nature, though every thing is alterd. May I have leave to do myself the Justice (since my Enemies will do me none, and are so far from granting me to be a good Poet that they will not allow me so much as to be a Christian, or a Moral Man), may I have leave, I say, to inform my Reader, that I have confind my Choice to such Tales of Chaucer as savour nothing of Immodesty. If I had desird more to please than to instruct, the Reve, the Miller, the Shipman, the Merchant, the Sumner, and, above all, the Wife of Bathe, in the Prologue to her Tale, would have procurd me as many Friends and Readers, as there are Beaux and Ladies of Pleasure in the Town. But I will no more offend against Good Manners: I am sensible, as I ought to be, of the Scandal I have given by my loose Writings; and make what Reparation I am able by this Publick Acknowledgment. If anything of this Nature, or of Profaneness, be crept into these Poems, I am so far from defending it, that I disown it. Totum hoc indictum volo. Chaucer makes another manner of Apologie for his broad-speaking, and Boccace makes the like; but I will follow neither of them. Our Country-man, in the end of his Characters, before the Canterbury Tales, thus excuses the Ribaldry, which is very gross in many of his Novels:
Yet if a Man should have enquird of Boccace or of Chaucer, what need they had of introducing such Characters, where obscene Words were proper in their Mouths, but very undecent to be heard, I know not what Answer they could have made: For that Reason, such Tales shall be left untold by me. You have here a Specimen of Chaucers Language, which is so obsolete, that his Sense is scarce to be understood; and you have likewise more than one Example of his unequal Numbers, which were mentiond before. Yet many of his Verses consist of Ten Syllables, and the Words not much behind our present English: As, for Example, these two lines, in the Description of the Carpenters Young Wife:
I have almost done with Chaucer, when I have answerd some Objections relating to my present Work. I find some People are offended that I have turned these Tales into modern English; because they think them unworthy of my Pains, and look on Chaucer as a dry, old-fashiond Wit, not worth reviving. I have often heard the late Earl of Leicester say, that Mr. Cowley himself was of that opinion; who having read him over at my Lords Request, declared he had no Taste of him. I dare not advance my Opinion against the Judgment of so great an Author: But I think it fair, however to leave the Decision to the Publick: Mr. Cowley was too modest to set up for a Dictatour; and being shockd perhaps with his old Style, never examind into the depth of his good Sense. Chaucer, I confess, is a rough Diamond; and must first be polishd eer he shines. I deny not likewise, that, living in our early Days of Poetry, he writes not always of a piece; but sometimes mingles trivial Things with those of greater Moment. Sometimes also, though not often, he runs riot, like Ovid, and knows not when he has said enough. But there are more great Wits beside Chaucer,4 whose Fault is their Excess of Conceits, and those ill sorted. An Author is not to write all he can, but only all he ought. Having observd this Redundancy in Chaucer (as it is an easie Matter for a Man of ordinary Parts to find a Fault in one of greater) I have not tyd myself to a Literal Translation; but have often omitted what I judged unnecessary, or not of Dignity enough to appear in the Company of better Thoughts. I have presumd farther in some Places; and added somewhat of my own where I thought my Author was deficient, and had not given his Thoughts their true Lustre, for want of Words in the Beginning of our Language. And to this I was the more emboldend, because (if I may be permitted to say it of my self) I found I had a Soul congenial to his, and that I had been conversant in the same Studies. Another Poet, in another Age, may take the same Liberty with my Writings; if at least they live long enough to deserve Correction. It was also necessary sometimes to restore the Sense of Chaucer, which was lost or mangled in the Errors of the Press. Let this Example suffice at present: in the Story of Palamon and Arcite, where the Temple of Diana is describd, you find these Verses in all the Editions of our Author:
There saw I Danè, turned unto a Tree,
I mean not the Goddess Diane,
But Venus daughter, which that hight Danè.
Which after a little Consideration I knew was to be reformd into this Sense, that Daphne, the Daughter of Peneus, was turnd into a Tree. I durst not make thus bold with Ovid; lest some future Milbourn should arise, and say, Ivaried from my Author, because I understood him not.
But there are other Judges who think I ought not to have translated Chaucer into English, out of a quite contrary Notion: They suppose there is a certain Veneration due to his old Language; and that it is little less than Profanation and Sacrilege to alter it. They are farther of opinion, that somewhat of his good Sense will suffer in this Transfusion, and much of the Beauty of his Thoughts will infallibly be lost, which appear with more Grace in their old Habit. Of this Opinion was that excellent Person whom I mentiond, the late Earl of Leicester, who valud Chaucer as much as Mr. Cowley despisd him. My Lord dissuaded me from this Attempt (for I was thinking of it some Years before his Death) and his Authority prevaild so far with me as to defer my Undertaking while he livd, in deference to him: Yet my Reason was not convincd with what he urgd against it. If the first End of a Writer be to be understood, then as his Language grows obsolete, his Thoughts must grow obscure: multa renascuntur quæ nunc cecidere; cadenlque quæ nunc sent in honore vocabula, si volet usus, quem penes arbitrium est et jus et norma loquendi. When an ancient Word for its Sound and Significancy deserves to be revivd, I have that reasonable Veneration for Antiquity, to restore it. All beyond this is Superstition. Words are not like Land-marks, so sacred as never to be removd: Customs are changd, and even Statutes are silently repeald, when the Reason ceases for which they were enacted. As for the other Part of the Argument, that his Thoughts will lose of their original Beauty, by the innovation of Words; in the first place, not only their Beauty, but their Being is lost, where they are no longer understood, which is the present Case. I grant, that something must be lost in all Transfusion, that is, in all Translations; but the Sense will remain, which would otherwise be lost, or at least be maimd, when it is scarce intelligible; and that but to a few. How few are there who can read Chaucer, so as to understand him perfectly! And if imperfectly, then with less Profit, and no Pleasure. Tis not for the Use of some old Saxon Friends that I have taken these Pains with him: Let them neglect my Version, because they have no need of it. I made it for their sakes who understand Sense and Poetry as well as they; when that Poetry and Sense is put into Words which they understand. I will go farther, and dare to add, that what Beauties I lose in some Places, I give to others which had them not originally: But in this I may be partial to my self; let the Reader judge, and I submit to his Decision. Yet I think I have just Occasion to complain of them, who, because they understand Chaucer, would deprive the greater part of their Countrymen of the same Advantage, and hoord him up, as Misers do their Grandam Gold, only to look on it themselves, and hinder others from making use of it. In sum, I seriously protest, that no Man ever had, or can have, a greater Veneration for Chaucer than my self. I have translated some part of his Works, only that I might perpetuate his Memory, or at least refresh it, amongst my Countrymen. If I have alterd him anywhere for the better, I must at the same time acknowledge, that I could have done nothing without him: Facile est inventis addere, is no great Commendation; and I am not so vain to think I have deservd a greater. I will conclude what I have to say of him singly, with this one Remark: A Lady of my Acquaintance, who keeps a kind of Correspondence with some Authors of the Fair Sex in France, has been informd by them, that Mademoiselle de Scudery, who is as old as Sibyl, and inspird like her by the same God of Poetry, is at this time translating Chaucer into modern French. From which I gather, that he has been formerly translated into the old Provençall (for, how she should come to understand Old English, I know not). But the Matter of Fact being true, it makes me think, that there is something in it like Fatality; that, after certain Periods of Time, the Fame and Memory of Great Wits should be renewd, as Chaucer is both in France and England. If this be wholly Chance, tis extraordinary; and I dare not call it more, for fear of being taxd with Superstition.
Boccace comes last to be considerd, who, living in the same Age with Chaucer, had the same Genius, and followd the same Studies. Both writ Novels, and each of them cultivated his Mother-Tongue. But the greatest Resemblance of our two Modern Authors being in their familiar Style, and pleasing way of relating Comical Adventures, I may pass it over, because I have translated nothing from Boccace of that Nature. In the serious Part of Poetry, the Advantage is wholly on Chaucers Side; for though the Englishman has borrowd many Tales from the Italian, yet it appears, that those of Boccace were not generally of his own making, but taken from Authors of former Ages, and by him only modelld: So that what there was of invention in either of them, may be judgd equal. But Chaucer has refind on Boccace, and has mended the Stories which he has borrowd, in his way of telling; though Prose allows more Liberty of Thought, and the Expression is more easie, when unconfind by Numbers. Our Countryman carries Weight, and yet wins the Race at disadvantage. I desire not the Reader should take my Word; and therefore I will set two of their Discourses on the same Subject, in the same Light, for every Man to judge betwixt them. I translated Chaucer first; and amongst the rest, pitchd on The Wife of Baths Tale; not daring, as I have said, to adventure on her Prologue; because it is too licentious: There Chaucer introduces an old Woman of mean Parentage, whom a youthful Knight of Noble Blood was forcd to marry, and consequently loathd her: The Crone being in bed with him on the wedding Night, and finding his Aversion, endeavours to win his Affection by Reason, and speaks a good Word for her self, (as who could blame her?) in hope to mollifie the sullen Bridegroom. She takes her Topiques from the Benefits of Poverty, the Advantages of old Age and Ugliness, the Vanity of Youth, and the silly Pride of Ancestry and Titles without inherent Vertue, which is the true Nobility. When I had closd Chaucer, I returnd to Ovid, and translated some more of his Fables; and by this time had so far forgotten The Wife of Baths Tale, that, when I took up Boccace, unawares I fell on the same Argument of preferring Vertue to Nobility of Blood, and Titles, in the Story of Sigismonda; which I had certainly avoided for the Resemblance of the two Discourses, if my Memory had not faild me. Let the Reader weigh them both; and if he thinks me partial to Chaucer, tis in him to right Boccace.
I prefer in our Countryman, far above all his other Stories, the Noble Poem of Palamon and Arcite, which is of the Epique kind, and perhaps not much inferiour to the Ilias or the Æneis: The Story is more pleasing than either of them, the Manners as perfect, the Diction as poetical, the Learning as deep and various; and the Disposition full as artful: only it includes a greater length of time; as taking up seven years at least; but Aristotle has left undecided the Duration of the Action; which yet is easily reducd into the Compass of a year, by a Narration of what preceded the Return of Palamon to Athens. I had thought for the Honour of our Nation, and more particularly for his, whose Laurel, tho unworthy, I have worn after him, that this Story was of English Growth and Chaucers own: But I was undeceivd by Boccace; for casually looking on the End of his seventh Giornata, I found Dioneo (under which name he shadows himself) and Fiametta (who represents his Mistress, the natural Daughter of Robert, King of Naples) of whom these Words are spoken. Dioneo e Fiametta gran pezza cantarono insieme d Arcita e di Pala mone: by which it appears that this Story was written before the time of Boccace; but the Name of its Author being wholly lost, Chaucer is now become an Original; and I question not but the Poem has receivd many Beauties by passing through his Noble Hands. Besides this Tale, there is another of his own Invention, after the manner of the Provencalls, called The Flower and the Leaf; with which I was so particularly pleasd, both for the Invention and the Moral; that I cannot hinder my self from recommending it to the Reader.
As a Corollary to this Preface, in which I have done Justice to others, I owe somewhat to my self: not that I think it worth my time to enter the Lists with one M or one B, but barely to take notice, that such Men there are who have written scurrilously against me, without any Provocation. M, who is in Orders, pretends amongst the rest this Quarrel to me, that I have fallen foul on Priesthood; If I have, I am only to ask Pardon of good Priests, and am afraid his part of the Reparation will come to little. Let him be satisfied that he shall not be able to force himself upon me for an Adversary. I contemn him too much to enter into Competition with him. His own Translations of Virgil have answerd his Criticisms on mine. If (as they say, he has declard in print) he prefers the Version of Ogilby to mine, the World has made him the same Compliment: For tis agreed on all hands, that he writes even below Ogilby: That, you will say, is not easily to be done; but what cannot M bring about? I am satisfyd, however, that while he and I live together, I shall not be thought the worst Poet of the Age. It looks as if I had desird him underhand to write so ill against me: But upon my honest word I have not bribd him to do me this Service, and am wholly guiltless of his Pamphlet. Tis true I should be glad if I could persuade him to continue his good Offices, and write such another Critique on any thing of mine: For I find by Experience he has a great Stroke with the Reader, when he condemns any of my Poems, to make the World have a better Opinion of them. He has taken some Pains with my Poetry; but no body will be persuaded to take the same with his. If I had taken to the Church (as he affirms, but which was never in my Thoughts) I should have had more Sense, if not more Grace, than to have turnd myself out of my Benefice by writing Libels on my Parishioners. But his Account of my Manners and my Principles, are of a Piece with his Cavils and his Poetry: And so I have done with him for ever.
But I will deal the more civilly with his two Poems, because nothing ill is to be spoken of the Dead: And therefore peace be to the Manes of his Arthurs. I will only say, that it was not for this Noble Knight that I drew the plan of an Epick Poem on King Arthur, in my Preface to the Translation of Juvenal. The Guardian Angels of Kingdoms were Machines too ponderous for him to manage; and therefore he rejected them, as Dares did the Whirl-bats of Eryx, when they were thrown before him by Entellus: Yet from that Preface he plainly took his Hint: For he began immediately upon the Story; though he had the Baseness not to acknowledge his Benefactor, but in stead of it, to traduce me in a Libel.
I shall say the less of Mr. Collier, because in many Things he has taxd me justly; and I have pleaded Guilty to all Thoughts and Expressions of mine, which can be truly argud of Obscenity, Profaneness, or Immorality; and retract them. If he be my Enemy, let him triumph; if he be my Friend, as I have given him no Personal Occasion to be otherwise, he will be glad of my Repentance. It becomes me not to draw my Pen in the Defence of a bad Cause, when I have so often drawn it for a good one. Yet it were not difficult to prove, that in many Places he has perverted my Meaning by his Glosses; and interpreted my Words into Blasphemy and Baudry, of which they were not guilty. Besides that, he is too much given to Horse-play in his Raillery; and comes to Battel, like a Dictatour from the Plough. I will not say, The zeal of Gods House has eaten him up; but I am sure it has devourd some Part of his Good Manners and Civility. It might also be doubted, whether it were altogether Zeal, which prompted him to this rough manner of Proceeding; perhaps it became not one of his Function to rake into the Rubbish of Ancient and Modern Plays; a Divine might have employd his Pains to better purpose than in the Nastiness of Plautus and Aristophanes; whose Examples, as they excuse not me, so it might be possibly supposd, that he read them not without some Pleasure. They who have written Commentaries on those Poets, or on Horace, Juvenal, and Martial, have explaind some Vices, which without their Interpretation had been unknown to Modern Times. Neither has judgd impartially betwixt the former Age and us.
There is more Baudry in one Play of Fletchers, called The Custom of the Country, than in all ours together. Yet this has been often acted on the Stage in my remembrance. Are the Times so much more reformd now, than they were Five and twenty Years ago? If they are, I congratulate the Amendment of our Morals. But I am not to prejudice the Cause of my Fellow-Poets, though I abandon my own Defence: They have some of them answerd for themselves, and neither they nor I can think Mr. Collier so formidable an Enemy, that we should shun him. He has lost Ground at the latter end of the Day, by pursuing his Point too far, like the Prince of Conde at the Battel of Senneph: From immoral Plays, to no Plays; ab abusu ad usum, non valet consequentia. But being a Party, I am not to erect myself into a Judge. As for the rest of those who have written against me, they are such Scoundrels, that they deserve not the least Notice to be taken of them. B and M are only distinguishd from the Crowd by being rememberd to their Infamy.